The Rev. Edmund Jones (1702-1793), the 'Old Prophet' of the Transh, Pontypool, is a fascinating character for many reasons, not least of which is his writing on apparitions, spirits, fairies, and magic in his Geographical, Historical, and Religious Account of the Parish of Aberystruth (1779) and Relation of Apparitions of Spirits in the Principality of Wales (1780). These works were not merely written for an antiquarian purpose, but rather present a defence of Jones's deep-seated belief in these spirits' existence. On the surface, such a belief, professed so late in the eighteenth century, may seem 'unenlightened' or atavistic, but far from it, Jones's belief was consistent with his overarching cultural worldview which was set within and influenced by the environment in which he lived. This study examines that environment in an attempt to understand the contexts and formation of Jones beliefs and writings. It begins by examining the socio-economic changes occurring in eighteenth-century north-western Monmouthshire, focusing on changes in transport and communication, industry and social composition, literacy and the availability of printed word, the medical industry, and systems of charity and welfare; and the impact of these different social elements on the way in which the supernatural was conceptualized in local culture. The second section focuses on Jones's role as a religious figure involved in the eighteenth-century religious Revival and the state of religion in the area before turning to Jones's theology and how this impacted on his conceptualization of spirits and their interaction with the mundane realm. The study then turns to the intellectual environment in which Jones wrote and how his works fit with contemporary intellectual trends. Finally, the thesis examines the folkloric content of Jones's works and the ways in which all of the disparate environmental elements discussed throughout demonstrate themselves in his writings.

En Russie, le XVIIIe siècle est l’époque d’une modernisation accélérée, dont la phase la plus intense correspond au règne de Catherine II, coïncidant avec l'intégration du nouvel Empire dans le système politique international. Malgré l'hostilité réciproque qui dominait les relations diplomatiques franco-russes à cette époque, le théâtre français était considéré comme l'expression la plus parfaite de l'art dramatique. Il fut importé dans le pays au même titre que d'autres instruments de modernisation sociale et moyens de représentation politique. Depuis les monographies de Robert-Aloys Mooser, spécialement consacrées à l’opéra-comique, la première période du théâtre francophone en Russie n'a pas été étudiée de façon systématique. Le premier objectif de ce travail est donc de recueillir les données dispersées et inédites concernant les représentations des pièces en français jouées à la cour. La liste de ces spectacles et l'inventaire des pièces représentées accompagnent cette étude dans un volume séparé. Il s’agit en outre d'explorer la diffusion des textes et des pratiques théâtrales à Saint-Pétersbourg, dans un essai sur la sociologie et l'idéologie des circulations théâtrales. La scène principale de la capitale se trouvait, en effet, à la cour, mais elle n'était pas unique : le théâtre de la ville, les théâtres dans les établissements d'éducation, les théâtres de société – plusieurs entreprises théâtrales accueillaient les spectacles francophones. Après avoir constaté leur interdépendance avec le modèle curial, je m'interroge sur les raisons de cette multiplication des espaces de spectacle et sur son rapport avec les expériences théâtrales des publics. / Eighteenth-Century Russia was a period of accelerating modernisation, where specifically, under the reign of Catherine II, the new Empire launched into the international political scene. Despite real diplomatic hostility between France and Russia during the period, French theatre was always considered the most perfect expression of the dramatic arts. French theatre was imported into Russia as an important means to provide and influence social and political representation.From the earliest studies, including Robert-Aloys Mooser’s work on the opéra-comique, this important period of Francophone theatre in Russia has never been systematically analysed. Thus the first goal of this present study is to gather the diverse and geographically dispersed elements regarding the Francophone theatre of Russian courts at the time. A chronological list of these performances, as well as an inventory of plays preformed, accompanies this study as a separate volume. My second goal is to explore the diffusion of these dramatic texts and theatrical practices in Saint Petersburg in an analytical essay on the sociology and ideology of theatrical circulation. Although the main stage of the capital was at the Russian court, this was not the only theatrical venue: the city’s theatre, school stages, théâtres de société (private theatres owned by local nobility)—several theatrical enterprises welcomed Francophone performances at the time. After having examined how these theatres were influenced by the court, I analyse the reasons behind this dramatic diversity and its affect on the theatrical experiences of Russia’s multiple theatre publics.

This dissertation explores how feeling was of central importance to the religiosity of Protestants in the north west of England between 1660 and 1740. It demonstrates how in their personal, familial, public and voluntary religious practices these Protestants understood the cultivation of emotions, or more precisely 'affections', as indispensable for the fulfilment of their devotional exercises. Each of these practices was constructive of communities that were linked by feeling and within which different forms of affective norms were expected. These communities preserved much of that godly culture which had otherwise characterised English Protestantism in the earlier seventeenth century. Moreover, by doing so they frequently minimised in part the importance of conformity to the Church of England. Friendships were maintained between conformists and nonconformists and they shared in a culture of religious feeling, which drew on the same topoi in their religious activities. This thesis will make original contributions to a number of debates. It challenges the prevailing narratives of a 'reaction against enthusiasm' dominating the religious discourse of the period. In contrast, it suggests that through the cultivation of feeling, Protestants in the period between the re-establishment of the Church of England and the Evangelical Revival continued to experience a vital religiosity. It thus also questions the suitability of describing some religious movements as inherently more 'emotional' than others. A more viable exploration can be found in differing forms of emotionality in different religious cultures. By examining the north west of England the thesis also revises the notion that the region was spiritually impoverished before the rise of Methodism, or that the religion provided by the Church of England and Protestant nonconformity failed to engage its attendants. The thesis is divided into five chapters which explore the affective communities to which English Protestants of the period and region belonged. These communities were concentric and sequential, in that the individual Protestant might pass between all of them depending upon their devotional practice. Chapter One examines personal religious devotion, conducted mostly alone. It demonstrates the unity between feeling and reason in personal experience of God. Chapter Two examines family religion and how it was defined by a meditative affect and engaged in by a broad spectrum of Protestant affiliation. Chapter Three explores public worship and its central role within the devotional economy; being both the affective crescendo of devotional practice and being a source of pious affections. Chapter Four looks at voluntary religious practices, showing how friendship was defined by its devotional nature and how the various religious societies of the period continued to promote an affective religiosity. Chapter Five considers clerical communities and how these were maintained across lines of conformity and also provided significant spiritual succour to the ministers of conformity and nonconformity in the region.

Este trabalho se inscreve na interface entre Geografia, História e Política. Apesar do amplo debate que cerca a Geografia Histórica e sua definição, como o apresentado por Chris Philo (1996) quando coloca a impossibilidade de existir esta área de especialização, uma vez que tanto a Geografia quanto a História são ciências horizontais, o mistério da Geografia Histórica, várias pesquisas têm sido realizadas na Geografia, pelo menos nos últimos 20 anos no Brasil, fortalecendo esta entrada de investigação. A importância do Rio de Janeiro desde o início do século XVI ocorre como um dos pontos estratégicos do Atlântico Sul. Por esta ocasião, as expedições de Solis e Fernão Magalhães nos idos da década de 1530 já utilizavam este ponto do território para fazer aguada e descansar antes de partirem para a tão cobiçada bacia do Rio da Prata. Na análise preliminar pode-se verificar que as invasões francesas de 1710 e 1711 serviram como um importante evento para o controle territorial da América Portuguesa. A pesquisa bibliográfica e documental realizada, conforme poderá ser verificada ao longo dessa dissertação, confirma também a importância dessas invasões no controle militar mais efetivo na porção sul da colônia. Objetivo deste trabalho é mostrar como essas duas invasões francesas impactaram na organização do sistema defensivo do Rio de Janeiro e de sua hinterlândia, contribuindo para repensar a reorganização desse sistema. Vale ressaltar que essas invasões francesas tiveram impactos diferentes. A invasão de 1710, comandada por Duclerc foi um evento no qual os portugueses saíram vencedores, impedindo que a guarnição francesa tomasse e saqueasse cidade. Enquanto, que a invasão liderada por Trouin, em 1711, obteve maior sucesso, seqüestrando a cidade e mantendo-a como refém, exigindo dos portugueses o pagamento para reintegrá-la a jurisdição lusitana. / This work is part of the interface between geography, history and politics. Despite the extensive debate surrounding the Historical Geography and definition, as presented by Chris Philo (1996) when placing the impossibility of this area of expertise, as both geography and history are horizontal sciences, "the mystery of Historical Geography, "several studies have been performed in Geography, at least the last 20 years in Brazil, strengthening this entry research.The importance of Rio de Janeiro since the beginning of the sixteenth century is one of the strategic points in the South Atlantic On this occasion, the expeditions of Solis and Ferdinand Magellan back in the 1530s have used this point in the territory to take in water and rest before departing for the much coveted basin of the River Plate. In the preliminary analysis can be seen that the French invasion of 1710 and 1711 served as an important event for territorial control of Portuguese America. The bibliographic and documental research, as can be found throughout this thesis, also confirms the importance of these invasions in the most effective military control in the southern portion of the colony. This paper aims to show how these two French invasions impacted the organization of the defensive system of Rio de Janeiro and its hinterland, contributing to rethink the reorganization of the system. It is noteworthy that these French invasion had different impacts. The invasion of 1710, led by Duclerc was an event in which the Portuguese came out winners, preventing the French garrison to take and loot the city. While the invasion led Duguay in 1711, enjoyed success, seized the city and holding it hostage, demanding the payment of the Portuguese to reinstate the jurisdiction Lusitanian.

Ao contrário do período precedente de criação da chamada ciência moderna, o século XVIII parece não desempenhar um papel fundamental no desenvolvimento da física. Na visão de muitos autores, o século das luzes é considerado como uma fase de organização da mecânica que teve seu coroamento com as obras de Lagrange, imediatamente precedidas por Euler e dAlembert. Muitos autores afirmam que na formulação da mecânica racional houve uma eliminação gradual da metafísica e também da teologia e que o surgimento da física moderna veio acompanhado por uma rejeição da metafísica aristotélica da substância e qualidade, forma e matéria, potência e ato. O ponto central da tese é mostrar que, no século XVIII, houve uma preocupação e um grande esforço de alguns filósofos naturais que participaram da formação da mecânica, em determinar como seria possível descrever fenômenos através da matemática. De uma forma geral, a filosofia mecanicista exigia que as mudanças observadas no mundo natural fossem explicadas apenas em termos de movimento e de rearranjos das partículas da matéria, uma vez que os predecessores dos filósofos iluministas conseguiram, em parte, eliminar da filosofia natural o conceito de causas finais e a maior parte dos conceitos aristotélicos de forma e substância, por exemplo. Porém, os filósofos mecanicistas divergiam sobre as causas do movimento. O que faria um corpo se mover? Uma força externa? Uma força interna? Força nenhuma? Todas essas posições tinham seus adeptos e todas sugeriam reflexões filosóficas que ultrapassavam os limites das ciências da natureza. Mais ainda: conceitos como espaço, tempo, força, massa e inércia, por exemplo, são conceitos imprescindíveis da mecânica que representam uma realidade. Mas como a manifestação dessa realidade se torna possível? Como foram definidos esses conceitos? Embora não percebamos explicitamente uma discussão filosófica em muitos livros que versam sobre a mecânica, atitudes implícitas dessa natureza são evidentes no tratamento das questões tais como a ambição à universalidade e a aplicação da matemática. Galileu teve suas motivações e suas razões para afirmar que o livro da natureza está escrito em liguagem matemática. No entanto, embora a matemática tenha se tornado a linguagem da física, mostramos com esta tese que a segunda não se reduz à primeira. Podemos, à luz desta pesquisa, falarmos de uma mecânica racional no sentido de ser ela proposta pela razão para organizar e melhor estruturar dados observáveis obtidos através da experimentação. Porém, mostramos que essa ciência não foi, como os filósofos naturais pretendiam que assim fosse, obtidas sem hipóteses e convenções subjetivas. Por detrás de uma representação explicativa e descritiva dos fenômenos da natureza e de uma consistência interna de seus próprios conteúdos confirmados através da matemática, verificamos a presença da metafísica. / Unlike the period of creation of the so-called modern science, the eighteenth century seems not to play a key role in the development of physics. In the view of many authors, the Age of Enlightenment is considered as an era dedicated to the organization of mechanics, which culminated in the works of Lagrange, immediately preceded by Euler and d'Alembert. Many authors claim that the formulation of rational mechanics gradually eliminated metaphysics and theology and also that the emergence of modern physics was accompanied by a rejection of Aristotelian metaphysics of substance and quality, form and matter, potentiality and actuality. The focus of the thesis is to show that in the eighteenth century some natural philosophers that engaged in the construction of mechanics were concerned about determining how it would be possible to describe the phenomena through mathematics. In general, the mechanistic philosophy demanded that the observed changes in the natural world could be explained only in terms of movement and rearrangement of particles of matter, since the predecessors of the Enlightenment, philosophers were able to partly eliminate the concept of natural philosophy final causes and most Aristotle shape and concepts of substance, for example. However, the mechanistic philosophers disagreed about the causes of motion. What would make a body move? An external force? An internal force? No force? All these ideas had their supporters and all suggested philosophical reflections which exceeded the limits of the natural sciences. Moreover, concepts like space, time, force, mass and inertia, for example, are essential concepts of mechanics that represent a reality. But how the manifestation of this reality becomes possible? How these concepts have been defined? Although we can not find an explicit philosophical discussion in many books that deal with the mechanics, such implicit attitudes are evident when dealing with issues such as the ambition to universality and application of mathematics. Galileo had motivations and reasons for claiming that the book of nature is written in a mathematical language. However, even though mathematics has become the language of physics, we show in this thesis that the second can not be reduced to the first. In the light of this research we may speak of rational mechanics as an agent of rationality with the purpose of organizing and structuring observable data obtained through experimentation. However, we show that this science was not obtained without subjective assumptions and conventions as natural philosophers claimed it would be. Behind an explanatory and descriptive representation of the phenomena of nature and internal consistency of their own "confirmed" through mathematics content, verified the presence of metaphysics.

This thesis provides the first large-scale reintegration of anti-Methodism into the wider theological controversies of the eighteenth century. It argues that there was a close connection - and in many cases, a direct link - between anti-Methodist writers and those involved in other theological controversies. Moreover, it shows that anti-Methodist polemics interacted with and were informed by contemporary debates on such issues as Deism, miracles, and the afterlife. This study also explores authors who used anti-Methodism as a forum to voice heterodox views. The fact that these heterodox ideas were often disagreeable to both evangelicals and High Churchmen is significant because it suggests that - on various points of theology - John Wesley and George Whitefield differed little from their ‘orthodox' Anglican opponents. By highlighting these theological similarities between evangelicals and High Churchmen, this thesis challenges the traditional stereotype that the eighteenth-century Church of England had become indifferent to theology. Chapter One introduces Wesley and Whitefield's key Anglican opponents, and discusses the print culture of early anti-Methodist literature. Chapter Two locates the soteriological disputes between Methodist and anti-Methodist divines as part of a long-standing debate on faith and works, which can be traced back to earlier clashes between Reformed and Arminian divines during the Restoration period. Chapter Three analyses Methodist teachings on self-denial, and considers the ways in which anti-Methodist clergymen reconciled their attacks on evangelical asceticism with their seemingly contradictory charges of antinomianism. Chapter Four explores how anti-Methodism was used as a platform to voice heterodox views on original sin and the afterlife. Chapters Five and Six provide a fundamental reappraisal of the relationship (and perceived relationship) between evangelicalism and irreligion by showing that anti-Methodism overlapped with anti-Deism and the eighteenth-century miracles debate. The final chapter shows that anti-Methodist authors often adopted a decidedly partisan approach to historical writing, which was modelled on seventeenth-century polemical historiography.

abstract: Scientific and Cultural Interpretations of Volcanoes, 1766-1901 analyzes nineteenth-century conceptions of volcanoes through interdisciplinary literature and science studies. The project considers how people in the nineteenth century used science, aesthetics, and other ways of knowing to understand volcanoes and their operations. In the mid-eighteenth century, volcanoes were seen as singular, unique features of the planet that lacked temporal and terrestrial reach. By the end of the nineteenth century, volcanoes were seen as networked, environmental phenomena that stretched through geological time and geographic space. Scientific and Cultural Interpretations of Volcanoes, 1766-1901 offers a new historical understanding of volcanoes and their environmental connections, using literature and science to show how perceptions of volcanic time and space changed over 135 years. The first chapter, using texts by Sir William Hamilton, Hester Piozzi, and Priscilla Wakefield, argues that in the late eighteenth century important aspects of volcanoes, like their impact upon human life and their existence through time, were beginning to be defined in texts ranging from the scientific to the educational. The second chapter focuses on works by Sir Edward Bulwer-Lytton and Charles Lyell to demonstrate the ways that volcanoes were stripped of metaphysical or symbolic meaning as the nineteenth century progressed. The third chapter contrasts the 1883 eruption of Krakatoa with Constance Gordon-Cumming’s travels to Kīlauea. The chapter shows how even towards the end of the century, trying to connect human minds with the process of volcanic phenomenon was a substantial challenge, but that volcanoes like Kīlauea allowed for new conceptions of volcanic action. The last chapter, through a post-apocalyptic novel by M. P. Shiel, shows how volcanoes were finally beginning to be categorized as a primary agent within the environment, shaping all life including humanity. Ultimately, I argue that the change in thinking about volcanoes parallels today’s shift in thinking about global climate change. My work provides insight into how we imagine ecological catastrophes like volcanic eruptions or climate change in the past and present and what that means for their impact on people. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation English 2016

Este trabalho se inscreve na interface entre Geografia, História e Política. Apesar do amplo debate que cerca a Geografia Histórica e sua definição, como o apresentado por Chris Philo (1996) quando coloca a impossibilidade de existir esta área de especialização, uma vez que tanto a Geografia quanto a História são ciências horizontais, o mistério da Geografia Histórica, várias pesquisas têm sido realizadas na Geografia, pelo menos nos últimos 20 anos no Brasil, fortalecendo esta entrada de investigação. A importância do Rio de Janeiro desde o início do século XVI ocorre como um dos pontos estratégicos do Atlântico Sul. Por esta ocasião, as expedições de Solis e Fernão Magalhães nos idos da década de 1530 já utilizavam este ponto do território para fazer aguada e descansar antes de partirem para a tão cobiçada bacia do Rio da Prata. Na análise preliminar pode-se verificar que as invasões francesas de 1710 e 1711 serviram como um importante evento para o controle territorial da América Portuguesa. A pesquisa bibliográfica e documental realizada, conforme poderá ser verificada ao longo dessa dissertação, confirma também a importância dessas invasões no controle militar mais efetivo na porção sul da colônia. Objetivo deste trabalho é mostrar como essas duas invasões francesas impactaram na organização do sistema defensivo do Rio de Janeiro e de sua hinterlândia, contribuindo para repensar a reorganização desse sistema. Vale ressaltar que essas invasões francesas tiveram impactos diferentes. A invasão de 1710, comandada por Duclerc foi um evento no qual os portugueses saíram vencedores, impedindo que a guarnição francesa tomasse e saqueasse cidade. Enquanto, que a invasão liderada por Trouin, em 1711, obteve maior sucesso, seqüestrando a cidade e mantendo-a como refém, exigindo dos portugueses o pagamento para reintegrá-la a jurisdição lusitana. / This work is part of the interface between geography, history and politics. Despite the extensive debate surrounding the Historical Geography and definition, as presented by Chris Philo (1996) when placing the impossibility of this area of expertise, as both geography and history are horizontal sciences, "the mystery of Historical Geography, "several studies have been performed in Geography, at least the last 20 years in Brazil, strengthening this entry research.The importance of Rio de Janeiro since the beginning of the sixteenth century is one of the strategic points in the South Atlantic On this occasion, the expeditions of Solis and Ferdinand Magellan back in the 1530s have used this point in the territory to take in water and rest before departing for the much coveted basin of the River Plate. In the preliminary analysis can be seen that the French invasion of 1710 and 1711 served as an important event for territorial control of Portuguese America. The bibliographic and documental research, as can be found throughout this thesis, also confirms the importance of these invasions in the most effective military control in the southern portion of the colony. This paper aims to show how these two French invasions impacted the organization of the defensive system of Rio de Janeiro and its hinterland, contributing to rethink the reorganization of the system. It is noteworthy that these French invasion had different impacts. The invasion of 1710, led by Duclerc was an event in which the Portuguese came out winners, preventing the French garrison to take and loot the city. While the invasion led Duguay in 1711, enjoyed success, seized the city and holding it hostage, demanding the payment of the Portuguese to reinstate the jurisdiction Lusitanian.

Ao contrário do período precedente de criação da chamada ciência moderna, o século XVIII parece não desempenhar um papel fundamental no desenvolvimento da física. Na visão de muitos autores, o século das luzes é considerado como uma fase de organização da mecânica que teve seu coroamento com as obras de Lagrange, imediatamente precedidas por Euler e dAlembert. Muitos autores afirmam que na formulação da mecânica racional houve uma eliminação gradual da metafísica e também da teologia e que o surgimento da física moderna veio acompanhado por uma rejeição da metafísica aristotélica da substância e qualidade, forma e matéria, potência e ato. O ponto central da tese é mostrar que, no século XVIII, houve uma preocupação e um grande esforço de alguns filósofos naturais que participaram da formação da mecânica, em determinar como seria possível descrever fenômenos através da matemática. De uma forma geral, a filosofia mecanicista exigia que as mudanças observadas no mundo natural fossem explicadas apenas em termos de movimento e de rearranjos das partículas da matéria, uma vez que os predecessores dos filósofos iluministas conseguiram, em parte, eliminar da filosofia natural o conceito de causas finais e a maior parte dos conceitos aristotélicos de forma e substância, por exemplo. Porém, os filósofos mecanicistas divergiam sobre as causas do movimento. O que faria um corpo se mover? Uma força externa? Uma força interna? Força nenhuma? Todas essas posições tinham seus adeptos e todas sugeriam reflexões filosóficas que ultrapassavam os limites das ciências da natureza. Mais ainda: conceitos como espaço, tempo, força, massa e inércia, por exemplo, são conceitos imprescindíveis da mecânica que representam uma realidade. Mas como a manifestação dessa realidade se torna possível? Como foram definidos esses conceitos? Embora não percebamos explicitamente uma discussão filosófica em muitos livros que versam sobre a mecânica, atitudes implícitas dessa natureza são evidentes no tratamento das questões tais como a ambição à universalidade e a aplicação da matemática. Galileu teve suas motivações e suas razões para afirmar que o livro da natureza está escrito em liguagem matemática. No entanto, embora a matemática tenha se tornado a linguagem da física, mostramos com esta tese que a segunda não se reduz à primeira. Podemos, à luz desta pesquisa, falarmos de uma mecânica racional no sentido de ser ela proposta pela razão para organizar e melhor estruturar dados observáveis obtidos através da experimentação. Porém, mostramos que essa ciência não foi, como os filósofos naturais pretendiam que assim fosse, obtidas sem hipóteses e convenções subjetivas. Por detrás de uma representação explicativa e descritiva dos fenômenos da natureza e de uma consistência interna de seus próprios conteúdos confirmados através da matemática, verificamos a presença da metafísica. / Unlike the period of creation of the so-called modern science, the eighteenth century seems not to play a key role in the development of physics. In the view of many authors, the Age of Enlightenment is considered as an era dedicated to the organization of mechanics, which culminated in the works of Lagrange, immediately preceded by Euler and d'Alembert. Many authors claim that the formulation of rational mechanics gradually eliminated metaphysics and theology and also that the emergence of modern physics was accompanied by a rejection of Aristotelian metaphysics of substance and quality, form and matter, potentiality and actuality. The focus of the thesis is to show that in the eighteenth century some natural philosophers that engaged in the construction of mechanics were concerned about determining how it would be possible to describe the phenomena through mathematics. In general, the mechanistic philosophy demanded that the observed changes in the natural world could be explained only in terms of movement and rearrangement of particles of matter, since the predecessors of the Enlightenment, philosophers were able to partly eliminate the concept of natural philosophy final causes and most Aristotle shape and concepts of substance, for example. However, the mechanistic philosophers disagreed about the causes of motion. What would make a body move? An external force? An internal force? No force? All these ideas had their supporters and all suggested philosophical reflections which exceeded the limits of the natural sciences. Moreover, concepts like space, time, force, mass and inertia, for example, are essential concepts of mechanics that represent a reality. But how the manifestation of this reality becomes possible? How these concepts have been defined? Although we can not find an explicit philosophical discussion in many books that deal with the mechanics, such implicit attitudes are evident when dealing with issues such as the ambition to universality and application of mathematics. Galileo had motivations and reasons for claiming that the book of nature is written in a mathematical language. However, even though mathematics has become the language of physics, we show in this thesis that the second can not be reduced to the first. In the light of this research we may speak of rational mechanics as an agent of rationality with the purpose of organizing and structuring observable data obtained through experimentation. However, we show that this science was not obtained without subjective assumptions and conventions as natural philosophers claimed it would be. Behind an explanatory and descriptive representation of the phenomena of nature and internal consistency of their own "confirmed" through mathematics content, verified the presence of metaphysics.

The lecture was given on July 27th, 1981. The discussion dealt with two anonymous eighteenth-century works: a Symphonia, Anon. 32b in D for two trumpets, two oboes, two violins, viola and bassoon; and a Concerto, Anon. 3 in D for trumpet, three oboes, and two bassoons. Both works are from part-books, originally owned by the Prussian General Georg von Lilien (1652-1726), which are now part of the "Sonsfeld Collection" housed in the Bibliotheca Furstenbergiana at Schloss Herdringen, W. Germany. The lecture included an examination of the origin of the manuscripts, the historical background for the works, and aspects of mixed style in the music. It also contained an analytical discussion of each work. Both works were then performed. In addition to the lecture recital three other recitals of music for solo trumpet were given. The first recital was given on November 21, 1977 and included the Concerto for Trumpet by Johann Nepomuk Hummel, and works of Henry Purcell, Halsey Stevens, and Eugene Bozza. The second recital was presented on July 3, 1978. It featured the Concerto in A('(FLAT)) by Alexander Arutunian along with works of Georges Enesco, Jean Rivier, and Allen Molineux. The third recital included works of Ernest Bloch, J. G. B. Neruda, Alexander Goedicke, and Fischer Tull. It was given on March 3, 1980. All four recitals were recorded on magnetic tape and are filed, along with the written version of the lecture materials, as a part of the dissertation, at North Texas State University library.