This diploma thesis is focused on the topic of cleavages and their development in the Slovakian party system and society. The thesis chronologically interprets the evolution from the year 1990 until the current years, specifically until the 2016 election. In the beginning, the Slovakian party system and society were split up, similarly to other post-communist countries going from communism to anticommunism. When this topic is solved, other traditional cleavages come to mind as they are as well described by classical theoreticians. These cleavages can be activated by themselves, or become less important through time and social and political development. Other studies or thesis of Slovakian authors prove this idea. This known development is usually only addressed until the year 2012, that is why the main aim of this thesis is to analyze, continue with other results and find out how the situation regarding this issue has evolved before the election in 2016. It is important to analyze cleavages and other topics which divide the society and political parties from the point of view of the effect the cleavages have on the stability of the party system. It influences the number of them and the relationships between them which can be cumulative or cross cutting. Since then it is possible to determine...

The diploma thesis examines why did the non-systemic opposition in Russia between 2011 and 2016 fail to reach any significant success. Even though during 2011 and 2012 Russia witnessed mass anti- government protests the non-systemic opposition was not able to enforce any relevant change in the regime, obtain representation in the state institutions or induce larger public dissatisfaction with the regime. The study analyses problematic internal features of the non-systemic opposition (lack of public support, coalition potential, election programs and campaigns, party financing) and external repressive means of the Vladimir Putin's regime against the opposition (legislation, direct confrontation, judicial trials, elections and means of rigging). The thesis offers a complex insight into the functioning of the non-systemic opposition in Russia in the observed period and accentuates the authoritarian character of the Russian regime. Based on the evaluation of the key variables the study concludes that the repressive policies of the regime cardinally affected the weakness and fragmentation of the non-systemic opposition which moreover was not able to overcome the internal conflicts and gain broader public support.

The master thesis presents the role of election observation with emphasis on OSCE/ODIHR election observation missions with a special focus on the OSCE/ODIHR election observation mission at municipal elections in October 2017 in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, where the author participated as a long-term observer. It deals with the purpose and functioning of election observation missions, international electoral standards establishing political and civil rights, on the basis of which democratic elections should be held. Furthermore, the challenges the missions are currently facing and the role of the Czech Republic in the system of election observation. The case study presents OSCE/ODIHR Election Observation Mission, summarizes the type of information needed to observe electoral aspects in the long term and evaluates election days with the outcomes of the election observation mission.

Author of these thesis researches the ability Paired comparison method to predict the results in the presidential elections during January 2018 ( the first and the second round). The pair comparison method is based on the assessment of individual candidates in combinations (pairs) where two candidates stand against each other and there is a judge who compares them in all combinations. The author carried out an investigation using three standardized questionnaires. She has applied the method in the first questionnaire and surveyed the actual choice of the respondents in the other two questionnaires. There were 392 respondents who participated in the complete questionnaire surfy and their answers were analyzed and compared with their results of Paired comparison method. The thesis also shows the accuracy of the method and the suitability of the application, as well as the ability to predict the results of undecided voters. The Paired comparison method in prediction of the results of the first round, but was able to estimate the results of the second round. The author concludes that Paired comparison method should be used in several round types of elections or those where two candidates stand against each other. There are also examined the disadvantages and risks of the method.

Research on political parties and their organizational stability presents one of the most important research agendas in modern comparative politics. Especially among newly democratized countries of the Central and Eastern Europe, the consolidation of democratic political institutions used to be considered as a key factor for the successful finishing of the whole transitional process. Despite the fact that most of the transitologists optimistically perceived the consolidation of the new democracies as a one-way process, the most of party systems in the eastern countries experienced serious changes and periods of instability within the last ten years. The most notable change was definitely the unexpected electoral success of genuinely new political parties and movements usually led by a political entrepreneur and formed without solid organizational background or solid ties to society. This tendency further turned into a new wave of unpredictability even within the party systems commonly perceived as fully stabilized and consolidated. Based on such new conditions, the contemporary party researchers turn their attention towards possible interpretations of this unprecedented phenomenon. This dissertation contributes to this discussion by the attempt to operationalize and explain the level of...

In a quantitative study in 2007, Davenport found that autocratic military regimes statistically face a higher risk of electoral violence than authoritarian party-backed regimes. This thesis has attempted to link Davenports findings with theories on military belligerence presented by Lai and Slater (2006) as well as Geddes et al. (2014), and thereby contribute to our understanding of the matter by investigating the potential causal mechanisms connecting regime type and electoral violence. The analysis specifically focuses on differences in pre-election violence by comparing the 2008 election in Pakistan and the 2007 election in Uzbekistan. Evidence from the cases suggest that there is some support for a covariation between regime type and levels of pre-election violence, although there are alternative explanations worth considering before one can determine whether or not a causal relationship can be observed. Finally, the findings indicate that military regime belligerence or lack of knowledge on how to use nonviolent political repressive tools in order to sway the elections do not explain the observed variation. Rather, the thesis suggests that levels of pre-election violence is more likely to be affected by other conflicts in the region, the design of the election campaign and whether there are established influential opposition parties present in the country.

La circonscription législative de Vire est une circonscription complexe de par la diversité des territoires qui la compose et donc par la diversité de son électorat. C’est une circonscription historiquement de droite, pourtant, entre 1958 et 2012, elle choisit par deux fois un député de gauche. Cette recherche vise donc à cerner et comprendre le comportement électoral des électeurs de la circonscription de Vire, ainsi que les facteurs qui déterminent leur choix une fois dans l’isoloir. Ces derniers sont multiples et ne pèsent pas tous de la même façon dans le choix du vote. Le contexte politique national, le contexte économique, l’électeur lui-même ou encore le candidat, tous ces facteurs y participent.Cette recherche se base avant tout sur des données quantitatives : résultats électoraux lors des élections législatives depuis 1958, mais aussi résultats électoraux lors des élections présidentielles. Il faut aussi étudier l’électorat par le biais des listes électorales, et des données publiées par l’INSEE. La composition de l’électorat de chaque commune, ainsi que les résultats électoraux associés sont donc répertoriés afin de permettre des comparaisons dans le temps, et entre communes. Ces relevés précis permettent également d’établir des cartes et de rendre l’évolution politique et sociologique de la circonscription plus lisible. Une fois mises en parallèle, ces données dressent le portrait de la circonscription de Vire à chaque scrutin législatif. Il convient également d’y ajouter ce que nous appelons la réalité du territoire. Nous nous reposons alors sur la mémoire vive ainsi que sur la presse locale pour rendre compte du contexte et des campagnes électorales.L’ensemble de ces facteurs : CSP, contextes etc., jouent sur le choix des électeurs de la circonscription étudiée. Il est pourtant un facteur qui caractérise la circonscription : la personnalité du candidat lui-même joue un un rôle dans le choix de l’électeur. Il aime connaître le candidat pour lequel il vote. La longévité d’Olivier Stirn en est une preuve, tout comme celle des députés suivants. C’est ainsi que la circonscription de Vire choisit par deux fois Alain Tourret, son seul député de gauche entre 1958 et 2012. / The french legislative division of Vire, in Normandy, is a complex division. It’s composed of different territories with specific electors. Historically, it’s a conservative division. However, the division chose a « left » (labour) deputy, twice, between 1958 and 1952.The goal of our research is to identify and explain the political behaviour of its electors, and reasons why they choose a candidate and not another. All reasons have a different importance between two electors. For example, the national political context, the economic context, or the elector and candidate personalities have different importance if the elector is a minor or a farmer.Quantitative datas are our first source. We use legislative elections results in the division since 1958, and presidential elections results too. We also study electors themselves by means of electoral lists and INSEE sources. Electors identities, and results of each common, written in tables and maps allow us to compare them. Thanks to this, we can draw a political and sociological portrait, during the 5th Republic, of the Vire division, and look at its evolutions. Our second source is less quantitative. We use local press et tracts to study legislative campaign. We use memories too. It shows how electors live in this territory.All these factors have a different importance, however, there is one which seems to be characteristic of Vire division. It appears that the elector likes to know the candidate he has chosen. Its personality is one of the most important factor. It explains Olivier Stirn’s carrier, and other deputies after him. We think it’s one of the reason why the Vire division elected Alain Tourret, twice, its only left (socialist) deputy.

[pt] Apesar de não ser um fenômeno recente, os protestos políticos tem ocorrido mais frenquentemente em diversas democracias do mundo. Neste contexto, é importante analisar se eles de fato são um instrumento efetivo através do qual os cidadãos podem afetar variáveis políticas e garantir que suas preferências sejam refletidas no âmbito político. Neste trabalho I estudo os efeitos dos protestos que ocorreram no Brasil em junho de 2013, olhando tanto para o comportamento de eleitores e de políticos. Primeiramente, usando dados das eleições a nível municipal, eu mostro que os protestos estão associados com uma diminuição nas taxas de comparecimento e um aumento no percentual de votos de protestos (votos nulos). Além disso, os protestos afetaram a distribuição de votos: há uma correlação negativa entre votos em incumbentes e a incidência de protestos. Com respeito ao efeito nos políticos, eu foco minha análise na Câmara dos Deputados e analiso se os protestos tiveram algum efeito sobre o comportamento ds deputados federais. Usando uma abordagem de diferença-em-diferença não tradicional, eu mostro que os protestos não afetaram todas as dimensões relevantes da performance dos legisladores, como presença em plenário, alocação de emedas parlamentares e elaboração de leis. No entanto, há evidência de efeitos heterogêneos com relação a incentivos à reeleição e posição relativa na coalizão. / [en] Although political protests are not a new political phenomenon, they are happening more frequently in democracies all over the world. In this context, it is important to study whether they are an effective instrument through which citizens can affect political outcomes and ensure that their preferences are reflected in politics. In this work, I analyze the effects of the protests that took place in Brazil in 2013, looking both of voters and politicians behavior. First, using data on elections at the municipal level, I show that the protests are associated with a decrease in turnout rate and an increase in the share of protest votes (the null votes). Moreover, the protests affected the distribution of votes: there is a negative correlation between incumbents vote share and the incidence of protests. With respect to the effects on politicians, I focus my analysis in the Chamber of Deputies of Brazil to I analyze whether the protests had any effects in the legislators behavior. Using a difference-in-difference approach, I show that the protests did not affect all relevant dimensions of the legislators performance, such as presence in plenary sessions, allocation of federal budget amendments and proposal of bills. However, I find evidence of heterogeneous effects regarding reelection incentives and relative position in the coalition.

Diploma thesis "True reasons which lead people into polling station" is tasked to detect motivation which affects an electoral behaviour of citizens, concretely their active participation in an election of their political representatives, considering the matter of fact that elected incumbents are those who work out all measures of public policy. There is enforced the legitimizing character of election, which displays the decreasing voter turnout as pathological phenomenon destroying the basics of democratic society, and sight on elections as an institution mediating between citizens and shape of implemented public policy. The theoretical part of thesis gives an overview of various concepts interpreting a voter turnout as an effect of endogenous and exogenetic factors. The paradigm are the theory of sources and the theory of representation, accenting on importance of the endogenous factors, and contextual theory, theory of motivation and racional choice theory, referring to key influence of the exogenic element. The empirical part of thesis, making use of personal research, verifies practically the theoretical knowledge and produces factual predication about motivational elements of electoral behaviour in one municipality in district of Hradec Králové. The confrontation of theoretical knowledge and...

This graduate thesis comparatively analyzes key features of political systems of Malaysia and Singapore using the chosen concepts of hybrid regimes theory. In the first part, main conceptualizations of this theory are presented to be later critically assessed. What follows is a thorough comparative analysis of political systems of the countries in question using the concept of "chain of democratic choice" introduced by Andreas Schedler as a framework for analysis. Subsequently, operationalized concept of competitive authoritarianism by Steven Levitsky and Lucan Way is applied. The outcome of the analysis is the classification of Malaysia as competitive authoritarian while Singapore is classified as a case of hegemonic electoral authoritarian regime. As far as theory is concerned, the thesis argues that although hybrid regimes themselves cannot provide for a unique mid-range regime type, some concepts connected to the paradigm offer an appropriate tool for the study of nondemocratic regimes.