In the thesis "Electoral Authoritarianism in Comparative Perspective of Southeast Asia", while analyzing for cases of regime survival and fall, author develops the argument that certain subtypes of authoritarian regimes are better build to cope with change than others. Since the four cases are under new institutionalism generally classified as electoral authoritarianism, the text depicts some of the methodological problems related to this particular research perspective. Building on the systems approach and new institutionalism, the thesis analyzes the relation between institutional character of regime elite and its ability to cope with changes in the environment, i.e. adaptability. Author shows that at the time of crisis, personalistic regimes tend to react almost solely with repression a restrictions, whereas regimes with ruling parties exhibit a substantial degree of personal and policy flexibility, which positively informs their chances for survival. The conclusion also demonstrates the methodological weaknesses of regime typology based on the quality of electoral process. It diverts the attention from other features of regimes which significantly inform logic and inner dynamics of authoritarianism. As a result, under the banner of electoral authoritarianism, there are regimes which differ from each...

Diploma thesis "The role of regional political parties within the Spanish political scene in the period of 1993-2010" presents an analysis of the role of Spanish regional political parties, which play within the national political scene since 1993. The preliminary chapter of this thesis provides a brief description of the contemporary Spanish political system, the regional organization of Spain and the Spanish electoral system, which has considerable influence especially on the party system. I consider this general introduction relevant and important for a better understanding of the whole issue. The next section is devoted to the Spanish party system, its development, the typology and the main national political parties. Here I come to the conclusion that due to the specific configuration of the electoral system in Spain happens relatively complicated interpenetration of the national party system with the regional party systems. The final and the most important chapter deals with the regional political parties, which after 1993 came to the Spanish parliament, and especially about those that have influence on the government formation and the government policy. At the beginning of this chapter I define the regional political party, the regionalist and the nationalist political party and I try to...

Diploma thesis sets itself a task to evaluate the using of voting right by foreign nationals in local elections in the Czech Republic. The thesis shows the approach of other member states of European Union to the voting right of foreign nationals in local elections, the legislative framework and the legal position of foreign nationals in the Czech Republic. The centre point of the thesis lies in the real experience of the foreign nationals and mayors or workers of municipal authorities with voting right in the local elections. Information gained during the research allows to study the practice of voting right. During the research there were discovered reasons why the foreign nationals participate or not in local elections. There were explained opinions of foreign nationals about the quality of information of their possibility to participate in local elections and about the conditions of voting right declared by state. Opinions and ideas of foreign nationals are compared with the opinions and experience of mayors or workers of municipal authorities and state institutions.

The dilemma of parties systems in Czech Republic and Poland is connected indirectly with my work which was concerned in the transitions of these post-communists countries. The rise and development of these two parties systems was strongly inspired by the results of both transitions in these countries. I will concerned with deeper comparison of both parties systems, especially in the consolidated period of democracy.

The dilemma of parties systems in Czech Republic and Poland is connected indirectly with my work which was concerned in the transitions of these post-communists countries. The rise and development of these two parties systems was strongly inspired by the results of both transitions in these countries. I will concerned with deeper comparison of both parties systems, especially in the consolidated period of democracy.

This PhD thesis explores the question how citizens react when they are confronted with complex institutional questions related to politics. Specifically, we look at how citizens vote when they are asked for their opinion in a referendum on amending the electoral system of their country. Traditionally, electoral systems have been considered the political playing ground of political elites. It is hence interesting to see what happens when the ‘power of decision’ shifts to citizens, who are supposed to have little interest in, or knowledge about, electoral systems. We observe that citizens partially mimic political elites in their behaviour, by following partisan considerations: citizens judge electoral reforms on the consequences for their favoured parties. Moreover, citizens tend to incorporate values when judging electoral reforms: a particular effect is caused by the left-right-distinction, with left-wing voters being more attracted towards more proportional systems. Finally, we observe that how citizens react to electoral systems is affected by their baseline knowledge on politics. More knowledgeable citizens tend to judge more on substantial grounds, while less knowledgeable citizens rather tend to judge on miscellaneous grounds. We conclude by arguing that citizens can and do form substantial opinions on complex subjects like institutional reforms, but that some baseline knowledge is nonetheless required in order to substantially participate in the democratic decision-making process. / Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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This thesis examines public opinion towards membership in the EU, before and after the 2008 global economic crisis, in the newest member states to join the institution in 2004 (the Czech Republic, Cyprus, Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Malta, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia) and 2007 (Bulgaria and Romania). Prior to the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1989, socialist economies and communism maintained a citizenry that never experienced unemployment and that did not have a political voice. Because free-market economic policies and democratic values are new to these countries, public opinion regarding membership in a supranational organization that promotes and fosters these ideals is important to study. Data from the Eurobarometer Public Opinion Survey spring waves 2006, 2007, 2008, 2009, and 2010, the Inter-Parliamentary Union, the World Bank, and Eurostat are used to measure multiple indicators of support for membership in the EU. Ordered logistic regression and means comparison analyses are employed to measure the effect of national-level economic prospects, economic winner/loser status, political party power, age, national identity, gender, and individual-level political ideology on public opinion toward membership. The results demonstrate that multiple indicators affect attitudes toward membership and that a negative shift in public opinion is apparent following the 2008 global economic crisis. At the individual-level of analysis, economic winner/loser status and national identity are significant in the predicted direction in all five models. Age is a significant indicator of support only in 2008, 2009, and 2010. At the aggregate-level, means comparison analyses and t-test statistics indicate that GDP annual growth rates have a positive effect on attitudes toward membership in the EU. As GDP annual growth increases, approval of membership in the EU increases. Eurozone membership and unemployment rates indicate varied support for membership in the EU, and the results of means comparison analyses of political party power at the national-level are inconclusive and exploratory in nature. With all findings considered, future studies can further examine the implications and long-term effects of global financial crises on public opinion towards membership in various international economic organizations.

Cette dissertation a pour but d’examiner les effets des transitions adultes sur la participation électorale dans le contexte de la Grande-Bretagne et de la Suisse. En effet, un grand nombre de transitions sont considérées y compris celles qui ont lieu dans la vie personnelle et dans la vie professionnelle des individus. Les transitions étudiées dans le cadre de cette thèse sont la cohabitation/le mariage, la parentalité, le divorce ou la séparation, le chômage, la retraite et le veuvage. Deux questions de recherches vont donc être abordées: quelles sont les effets de chacune de ces transitions sur la participation électorale? Est-ce que le genre mitigent leurs effets sur le comportement politique? Dans ma revue de la littérature, je mobilise plusieurs cadres théoriques pour essayer de comprendre comment ces transitions vont influencer le vote, y compris les théories du choix rationnel, de la socialisation, de la mobilisation des ressources et des perspectives de cycle de vie. À partir de celles-ci, je développe une série d’hypothèses qui prédit la façon dont différentes transitions vont influencer la participation électorale. Afin de tester mes hypothèses, j’utilise des données de sondages d’études longitudinales à panel tels le British Household Panel Survey et le Understanding Society, United Kingdom Household Longitudinal Study ainsi que le Swiss Household Panel. Utiliser ce type de données me permet de coder la participation électorale avant et après chaque transition afin de voir s’il y a eu un changement au niveau de la participation électorale des individus. Pour analyser les données de la Grande-Bretagne, j’utilise des tableaux croisés avec des tests McNemars ainsi que des modèles de régressions logistiques. Dans le cas de la Suisse, j’utilise des tests t appariés ainsi que des modèles de régressions linéaires multiples. Je trouve que la majorité des transitions de vie n’exerce pas d’influence sur la participation électorale dans le contexte de la Grande-Bretagne et de la Suisse à l’exception du veuvage et possiblement du divorce. Ces transitions mènent à un déclin dans les niveaux de participation. / The goal of this dissertation is to examine the effects of adult life transitions on political participation in the context of Great Britain and of Switzerland. Many transitions will be analysed throughout the course of this thesis, including those that take place in individuals’ personal and professional lives. These transitions are cohabitation or marriage, parenthood, divorce or separation, unemployment, retirement and widowhood. The questions guiding this research project are: what are the effects of each of these life transitions on electoral participation? And does gender mitigate the effects of transitions on turnout? In my review of the literature, I mobilize various theoretical frameworks to try and understand how these transitions will impact voting behaviour. I look at rational choice, socialization, resource mobilization and life course perspective theories. I then develop a series of hypotheses that predict how each life transition will influence electoral participation. In order to test these, I use data from longitudinal household panel studies such as the British Household Panel Survey, the Understanding Society, United Kingdom Household Longitudinal Study and the Swiss Household Panel. Using this type of data allows me to code electoral participation before and after each life transition and to see if there is a change in individual level participation. To analyse the data from Great-Britain I use cross-tabulations with McNemar’s test along with logit regression models. For the Swiss data, I use paired t-tests and OLS regressions. I find that the majority of life transitions do not exert a significant influence on electoral participation in the context of Great Britain and Switzerland with the exception of widowhood and possibly of divorce. These transitions lead to a decline in turnout.

A handful of studies have shown that National Inter-religious Councils (NIRCs) contribute to electoral violence prevention. However, no quantitative study has evaluated the impact of their interventions and the conditions under which they lower electoral violence. Using data on African national elections from 1992-2019, I examine whether NIRCs' electoral-related peacebuilding interventions lower the severity of electoral violence and if their ability to do so depends on NIRCs' social power. The results in this thesis indicate that the presence of NIRCs' interventions during electoral rounds lowers the likelihood of severe electoral violence. The findings also reveal a significant disordinal interaction between NIRCs' interventions and their power, where the predicted probability of severe electoral violence reduces by 42% when powerful NIRCs implement peacebuilding interventions and, on the other hand, increases by 20% when less powerful NIRCs intervene. While this thesis fails to explain the disordinal interaction effect, it details this study's methodological tools and limitations and contributes an original dataset of NIRCs' interventions and power for future research.