Submitted by Simone Maisonave (simonemaisonave@hotmail.com) on 2016-11-30T12:03:40Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Bruno Souza Garcia_Dissertacao.pdf: 1798886 bytes, checksum: 146bb3a31b5258bc40dfc93e35435b7e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-30T12:03:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Bruno Souza Garcia_Dissertacao.pdf: 1798886 bytes, checksum: 146bb3a31b5258bc40dfc93e35435b7e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-08 / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio Grande do Sul - FAPERGS / Esta dissertação tem como objeto de pesquisa as eleições suplementares ocorridas nos munícipios brasileiros entre os anos de 2013 a 2015. O objetivo geral é analisar se esses pleitos estão relacionados com um determinado perfil socioeconômico dos municípios, e, concomitantemente, como afetam o comportamento do eleitorado e dos partidos dessas localidades. A metodologia utilizada consiste em um trabalho exploratório sobre as eleições suplementares, com a intenção de coletar, organizar e analisar dados sobre esses processos. As fontes pesquisa foram as seguintes: o banco de dados do site da Justiça Eleitoral (especialmente, o do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral, TSE) e em outras fontes de informação, como o Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE) e o Atlas Brasil. / This dissertation research subject supplementary elections held in Brazilian municipalities between the years 2013 to 2015. The overall objective is to analyze whether these claims are related to a particular socio-economic profile of the municipalities, and, concomitantly, to affect voter behavior and parties these locations. The methodology consists of an exploratory work on supplementary elections, with the intent to collect, organize and analyze data on these processes. Sources survey were the following: the Electoral Court website database (especially the Supreme Electoral Tribunal, TSE) and other sources of information, such as the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE) and the Atlas Brazil.

This study aims at describing if discrepancies can be found between the rhetoric in Swedish political parties’ electoral campaigns to the European Parliament elections in 2004 and their representatives’ actual behavior in the European Parliament and to develop plausible explanations to these possible discrepancies. The research method that is being used is content analysis, aiming to answer four research questions regarding the electoral campaigns to the European Parliament elections in 2004 and the behavior by the parties’ representatives during the following term of office. The main findings are that some discrepancies can be found regarding which questions are raised most frequently in the electoral campaigns and in the European Parliament, but that no discrepancies can be found regarding the positions taken in questions in the electoral campaigns and in the European Parliament. The plausible explanations that are presented are that the parties raise certain questions in the campaigns with the purpose of maximizing the number of votes and then raise other questions in the European Parliament, that size of the party group matters and that the individuals representing the parties might effect the coherence between rhetoric and actual behavior.

Within the fields of electoral studies and legislative politics, the interest of this study is the Brazilian electoral system and the unity of the parties it produces. Specifically, I ask how post-electoral intraparty rank affects party unity. I determine post-electoral intraparty rank by comparing deputies’ vote share of the total national vote count. By compiling a database of 48 roll-call votes of 37 Federal Deputies from São Paulo, I compare how often the deputies toe the party line to their vote share. I also test for the geographical concentration of votes in cases where I find it relevant. My hypothesis is that deputies elected with a low vote share will vote according to their party’s recommendation to a larger degree than those deputies with a strong electoral base. I find that, based only on roll-call vote analysis, the complete sample does not demonstrate a strong relationship between voting agreement and vote share (or post-electoral rank). However, by analyzing significant cases individually, I do find a basis for my hypothesis, as well as indicators of theoretical consistency in the sample. The basis is for the most part strengthened when controlling for vote concentration. I conclude that deputies whose largest electoral base is centered in cities seem to be more autonomous in their voting, most likely for ideological reasons rather than reasons motivated by pork-barrel spending.

Elective participation varies considerably among domestic and foreign born young adults. In 2014, there was a difference of 16,1 percentage among domestic and foreign born men in electoral participation and between women there was a difference of 19,3 percentage. In democracies, political equality is important where all citizens have the same political right. The purpose is to answear how political acts are seen among young adults (18-25 years old) domestic and foreign born and if there are similarities and differences and if the political acts are based on their living conditions. This is a qualitative study because I want to get the respondents’ responses at the individual level through interviews. The study showed no difference among domestic or foreign born to political acts based on their living conditions. The reason for that may be the respondents who were foreign born came to Sweden as children and had taken part in society in the same way as a native born.

La tesi analizza il contemporaneo declino elettorale del Partito Laburista israeliano in relazione agli eventi storici, ai cambiamenti sociali e demografici che hanno portato ad un effettivo cambiamento del sistema politico. In particolar modo la ricerca si sofferma sulla lettura dei risultati elettorali, cercando di sottolineare come le dinamiche sopra indicate abbiano influenzato i trend elettorali e l'offerta politica del partito stesso. Fino a giungere agli anni Novanta, passaggio fondamentale in cui cogliere le ragioni per le quali il Partito Laburista sembra tutt'ora non riuscire invertire il trend negativo degli ultimi quindici anni. / This thesis analyzes the contemporary electoral decline of the Israeli Labor Party in relation to historical events, social and demographic changes that have led to an effective change in the Israeli political system. In particular, the research focuses on the electoral results, trying to underline how the dynamics indicated above have influenced the electoral trends and the political offer of the party itself. The Nineties represent a fundamental passage in which it is possibleto understand the reasons why the Labor Party seems unable, still today, to reverse the negative trend of the last fifteen years.

Le comportement électoral dans les communautés mixtes (Résumé)<p><p>Andreea ZAMFIRA<p><p><p>\ / Doctorat en sciences politiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The influence of sociodemographic characteristics on election results in the municipal elections in the Czech Republic in 2014 Abstract This thesis is focus on the sociodemographic structure of the voters and its influence in municipal elections in the Czech Republic in 2014. The main aim of this thesis is to analyze and evaluate electoral behavior of the population in local politics. The aim is also to define which characteristics are the most important for their decision. The thesis is focused on the parties which are the current members of Czech Parliament. Then the parties were divided into three groups of the political spectrum (left, right and center). The thesis will gradually focus on the subdiscipline of electoral geography (its definition and the development), on the municipal elections and on the development of the Parliamentary parties in the three theoretical chapters. The analysis will examine the relationships between sociodemographic characteristics and the election results. The relationships will be examined using the Pearson correlation coefficient and the Multiple Regression. Spatial issue will then explore IDW method. Keywords: electoral geography, election, election results, municipality, age, nationality, level of education, religion, unemployment

For his study, the author determines whether the Commission on Presidential Debates (CPD) and the Federal Elections Commission (FEC) are sovereign entities, or if they are pawns of the Democratic and Republican parties (Political Duopoly) aimed to prevent smaller candidates from participating in the CPD’s Presidential Debates. The author’s rationale for his research is based on the fact that, despite a large majority of American voters want to hear other voices in the CPD debates, the CPD has not allowed other voices to participate in the debates since 1992, through use of the CPD’s fifteen-percent support requirement. Every time an entity questions the CPD’s requirements, the FEC dismiss the challenges. This has led to lawsuits against the commissions from Level the Playing Field (LPF) and Gary Johnson. The author completed a literature review and case view analysis related to this matter, introduces the Marketplace of Ideas Theory, and the theory’s fallacies. Results from research indicates that both the CPD and FEC have behaved questionably, keeping the threshold at a level that outside candidates cannot breach, and that the lawsuits against the commissions are valid. In conclusion, the American voters are largely limited to the status quo parties despite increasingly looking for other options. This thesis will elaborate upon the misdeeds of the Political Duopoly have also reduced other freedoms and liberties once protected by the United States Constitution

Magister Legum - LLM / South Africa

本文旨在研究政治人物或政黨的表現如何影響選民對立法委員進行選舉課責。課責是民主政治運作的重要基石，而選舉機制則是體現政治課責最直接的制度設計。現有選舉課責研究多數聚焦於行政首長的表現如何影響選民的投票選擇，以立法委員選舉為對象的選舉課責研究相對顯得不足，且這些研究或者是在舊選制的架構內進行分析，或是旨在探索選民的分裂投票行為，未見新選制下的選舉課責研究。 本研究以2016年新北市與臺中市的立法委員選舉為例，分析選民對總統、市長、政黨、政黨立委與區域立委五種層面的表現評價如何影響其立委投票對象。企圖了解選民是否真的會因為現任者表現不佳而投給在野黨、或因滿意現任者表現而投給執政黨？而當不同層面的表現評價發生衝突時，哪一項的表現評價影響力更大？並藉由兩個不同黨籍的直轄市長，來解析過去研究未曾在立委選舉研究中觸及的地方首長施政表現因素會如何影響選民的投票抉擇。 本研究發現，選民在區域與不分區立委選舉中均會以市長與區域立委的表現作為課責依據，而政黨立委表現評價僅對區域立委選舉有影響，政黨表現評價及不分區名單印象則影響不分區立委選舉，至於過去研究認為會影響立委選舉結果的總統施政表現評價，反而在統計模型中未達顯著水準。這樣的結果，除了立委與政黨本身表現在各自選票上的影響力外，更凸顯了地方首長的施政表現對於立委選舉的重要性，當總統與立委選舉合併舉辦後，立委選舉不再是總統的期中成績單，而是地方首長的期中成績單與現任者的期末成績單，被課責的對象包含了現任者本身（立委與政黨）與地方首長。這些研究發現與既有的研究提供一個重要的對照與補充，也希望這些發現能提供未來選舉課責與地方治理研究的助益。 / Accountability is the cornerstone for the operation of democracy, and election is the mechanism realizing political accountability. Most studies on electoral accountability focused on the influence of presidential performance at the national level while the influences of legislators themselves and local governments are less concerned.This essay explores how the performance of the president, the legislators, the local governments, and the political parties influence electorate’s vote choice in the 2016 legislative elections in New Taipei City and Taichung City in Taiwan. Political accountability is operationalized as voter’s performance assessments of the president, the legislator, the city mayors, and the two major political parties. It is assumed that an electorate will be more likely to vote for the legislative candidate based on favorable assessments of her party’s president, legislators, city mayors, list of at-large candidates and overall party performance. The study finds that the performance of city mayors and the performance of (district as well at–large party list) legislators have exercised significant impact on voter’s choice. Meanwhile, voters’ assessment of political parties and impression of party list candidate will influence voter’s choice in the at-large legislative election. As for the evaluation of presidential performance which has been widely discussed in the literature, this essay finds only limited impact. As the elections for legislator and president are held concurrently, the impact of the presidential performance is overshadowed by the performance of local executives. These findings provide crucial comparison and supplementation with the previous studies of political accountability and offer valuable references for the future study of electoral accountability and local governance.