M.A. / Description of the topic and major sources The present study consists of a prosopographical examination of a major per-sonality at the turn of the 12th-13th century, before and after the conquest of Constan-tinople by the knights o the Fourth Crusade (1204), based on the major contemporary and later Byzantine sources (Michael and Niketas the Choniatai, Theodore Skoutari-otes, Ephraim of Ainos, Chronicle of the Morea and Geoffrey of Villehardouin), as well as on the available secondary bibliography (specialised articles and major syn-theses by J. Hoffmann, K. Setton, M. Kordoses, R. Radić, A. Savvides, Aneta Ilieva, P. Niaves et alii). The codification of this material puts Sgouros’ career in the right perspective and helps solve various misinterpretations regarding his personality, aims and rôle vis-à-vis his contemporary events. Aims and methodology The existing bibliography refers to various aspects of Sgouros’ meteoric career, yet a complete and analytical study on this topic was still missing. The present dissertation’s aim is to fill this gap by providing a detailed biography of this important independent Greek lord (“archon”),whose activities span between c. 1200 and c. 1208. Moreover, this study also provides information on the family (“oikos”) of the Sgouroi as well as prosopographical data on Leon’s father, Theodore Sgouros –also a local lord in the north-eastern Peloponnese (the Morea) at the close of the 12th century – as well as on his enigmatic brother, Gabriel Sgouros, who seems to have remained ‘phrouriarch’ of Nauplion after Leo’s violent end. Additionally, the dissertation tackles topographical/geographical issues re-garding Sgouros’ advance from the north-eastern Peloponnese to central Greece (“Hellas”), as far north as Thessaly’s capital, Larissa, also providing relevant maps and sketches/photographs. Moreover, it provides sigillographic evidence according to the only surviving lead seal (molybdōboullon) of Leon Sgouros, nowadays in the Athens Numismatic Museum. A brief sketch of Sgouros’ personality and activities A highly controversial figure, Leon Sgouros has been variably characterised an unscrupulous and ambitious local tyrant, but also a heroic adversary against the Latin onslaught and the last defender of medieval Hellenism at the time of the Fourth Crusade and the ensuing first fall of Constantinople to the Crusaders (1204). Although several of this compatriots had placed upon him their hopes for an effective resistance against the Western invaders of Greece, Sgouros would expend most of his energy combating his fellow Greeks, in the course of his desperate attempt to expand his territories northwards, reaching as far as Larissa, the capital of central Greece (Thessaly), only to be repulsed by the advancing latin conquerors of northern Greece at Thermopylai and seek shelter in the steep fortress of Akrocorinth (northeastern Mo-rea), where he was blockaded and besieged for almost four years), c. 1204-c.1208). He eventually perished fighting the Latins either leaping on horseback from the preci-pices of Akrokorinth, or defending his native Nauplion. Evolution of the present study Sgouros’ eventful career is here examined in the following sections: a. His origins, the social-political conditions of his time and the rôle of his family in this context. b. His prevalence in the north-eastern Peloponnese (c.1200-1202/1203). c. His invasion of Attica and Boeotia (capture of Athens -except the Acropolis- and Thebes), as well as of Euboea (1203-1204). d. Arrival in Thessaly (Larissa); pact with ex-emperor Alexios III Angelos, stand in Thermopylae and withdrawal to Akrocorinth (1204) e. Long siege of Sgouros in Akrocorinth by the Latins and his legendary suicide on horseback from the fortress (1204-1208); the alternative version of his assassina-tion outside Nauplion. f. Evaluation of his personality according to the testimony provided by the primary sources as well as by modern scholars (negative criticisms, but also positive as-pects). Sgouros’ real contribution to the attempt for the survival of medieval Hel-lenism. g. The above sections roughly correspond to the chapters of the present dissertation.

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The present essay entitled as “The Christian empire of the Roman East and the kingdom of Axum from Constantine the great to Justinian” aims to investigate the political, economical and military interconnection between the early Byzantine Empire and the kingdom of Axum - during the period from 324 to 565 A. D. as well as to point out the influence exerted on Axum thereby. All through the introduction part, the criteria of setting the time limits in the essay, with regard to the Byzantine and Axum history, are exposed. In addition, a reference to the primary and side historical sources is made furthermore, the methodology used and the restricted area in which it is confined, are specified. The difficulties that arouse during the elaboration and the presentation of the material are also mentioned. Finally the title of the essay is justified and further clarification concerning the terminology is provided. The first chapter proposes a general review of the historical course of the kingdom of Axum, starting from the 1st century A. D., when the first reference to the city of Axum appears to have been made, to the close of the 6th century. The intercourse between the people of Axum and the Greco-Roman world is initially underlined as in succession to the bounds priory forged by the Ptolemies and Hellenistic Egypt. The Greek influence on the foundations of the civilization of Axum is therefore attested. Another theory is also framed; it claims that the fact that Axum made its mark as a great eastern power in the Red sea is closely associated with the promotion of the Greco-roman interests in this particular area. Further to this, Axum’s historical course from the 4th to the 6th post-christian century presented, a period mainly marked by the formal recognition of christianism in both Byzantium and Axum. There is a reference to the dominant leading figure of the kingdom of Axum during the 4th century, Ezana, as well as to his part in the Axum’s conversion to Christianity. A Graeco- Tyrian’s man contribution, named Frumentius, to this procedure was indeed decisive; he promoted the diffusion of christianism from his position as the underage king’s guardian and actual administrator of the state cases. At this point of this chapter a mention in the second most significant moment in the history of Axum is made, the one that initiates at the close of the 5th century by Tazena and is brought to completion during the 6th century, that is, during the reign of his son Caleb or Ella Asbeha. It‘s only then that Axum plays a leading role in southern Arabia bringing the state of the Himyarites under its control and converting it to Christianity. These facts of the 6th century being considered as the most critical factors for the relations between Byzantium and Axum take up a very important place throughout the whole essay and are fully developed in the third and last subdivision of the first chapter. The historical review concludes with the present of the events that led to losing control in S. Arabia and to the 198 submission of the latter to Persian control. From that point on the relations between Byzantium and Axum loosen up until they are irreversibly broken off after the Arabian expansion and possession of Egypt in the 7th century. The state of Axum was confined to its African part and was actually cut off from trade activities in the East. The second chapter looks into the relationships between the Byzantine Empire and Axum. We consider the conversion of the country to Christianity as the peak point in its evolution and historical course. Therefore, in the introductory part of this chapter, we refer to the circumstances under which the conversion took place. Rating the country’s position , in regard to the sea routes of the eastern trade , as of major significance for the Byzantine interests and considering that the Byzantium ‘s posture associated directly to the Byzantine – Persian rivalry we speak of cite the connection between these two great empires as well as the correlation of the forces in the wider area. Within this context we place the conversion of Axum which we consider as an event of great political and economical significance. We the relations between Byzantium and Axum begin based on economicalcommercial grounds, as it is believed that this kind of contact has been the main pattern on which the rest of the contacts unfolded. The great importance of agricultural economy for Axum is ascertained, yet its tremendous growth is linked to trade activities. Moving on in the chapter the part Axum played as far as the Byzantine interests in the Red sea are concerned is investigated. It is believed that the two countries’ benefit were not at all opposed to each other, on the contrary, the two powers took action within the same space in a supplementary way and the port of Adoulis developed into a famous trading port for the product of the East to be promoted to the Byzantine markets. The people of Axum are reckoned to have passed over the Yemenites in this role mostly because the Jewish penetration into the Yemeni nation, which rendered them too precarious to be Byzantine allies. The proposition made to Caleb by Justinian for a commercial and military collaboration against the Persian interests is substantial evidence of the aforesaid relations. Axum appears to have played a smaller part with regard to the relations between the Byzantines and the Blemmyes and Nobades. As a conclusion to this attempt at investigating this economic intercourse, there is a reference to the direct commercial contact between the two countries’ citizens, as these emerge in texts and documents of that time. The second part of the first chapter deals with the military relations between Byzantium and Axum. These relations are considered to be of great significance on the grounds that Byzantium in many cases often foresaw the potentially active military power of Axum, which could be used as a lever of pressure. Initially we set out the belief that the Graeco-roman world was never opposed to Axum’s strengthening, to which, on the contrary, it has never been given great support as likey as not. Following up, we try to pinpoint possible challenges between the two countries, investigating the incidents that connect to Frumentiu’s imprisonment and the Axumite’s presence in Palmyra. We believe that Axum was never against Byzantium but it never made common cause with it directly, either. It did, however, back up the Byzantine interests in an indirect way. We can sustain this allegation in regard to the operations against the Blemmyes, who caused far less troubles to the southern border of the Byzantine empire in Egypt, when they were under the control of Axum. In 199 the last part of the chapter about military relations, an elaborate mention of the military activity of the Axumites in southern Arabia during the 6th century is made. These operations aimed at restraining the Jewish extension towards the state of the Himyarites, which would be prejudicial to both Ethiopian and Byzantine interests. The Axumites’ activation in this area emerged as a result of formal collaboration with the Empire. The Homeritic state was converted to christianism and was put under Axum’s control. As a Christian nation ventured expeditions with the intention of controlling the tribes in the centre and north of the Arabian peninsula, who are at great service for the Byzantine empire. The third part of the second chapter is dedicated to political relations. These relations tie in closely with the general competition between the Byzantine- Persian Empire. Therefore, Byzantium used Axum as an allied power. It is claimed that the conversion of Axum was a political choice, promoted by Byzantium, in an attempt to arm itself against the Persian threat. On the other hand, this choice is secured the political and economical interests of Axum, which at the same time sought after the preservation of its independence. This chapter concludes with the examination of the diplomatic relations between the two states it refers to their intercourse during the 4th and 6th, certified by the sources. We ascertain that their contacts were based on the religious kindred of the two countries. The Byzantine emperor approached the king of Axum counting on his alleged role as the protector of the Christians all over the world, demonstrating his paternal concern. The impressions left by these contacts were determinative of the Axumites’ view of things, although their actual results were scanty. They prove, however, how important it was for the Byzantine to form a common Christian front as a checking mechanism against the Persian aspirations on the territory. The third chapter of the essay examines the Byzantine influence that is believed to have proceeded from Byzantium to Axum. It is originally detected in the field of economy, in connection with the currency, the weights and measures in commercial use, the economical set up and commissariat as well in taxation. Further to this we establish various similarities in the way institutions are formed and function. These similarities are pinpointed in the monarchy constitution and particularly in the ideology that associates with the king’s figure and power, his presence, the titles in which he is addressed and the process that lead him to the royal office. Moreover, the noble council that surrounded the king presents great resemblance to the Byzantine “senate”. Little influence on the military set-up and commissariat is thought likely, as well. Finally, the part of the Byzantine effect is visible in the organization of the Church, which also works as vehicle of a wide range of effects on Axum. Such influence can be found in the state’s political set-up, in both central and provincial government. In addition, through the study of legislative sources, we can ascertain an effect on legislation and dispensation of justice. The judicial powers, at the head of which is the king himself, along with some of his officials, appears to have received the influence stemming from the Byzantine equivalent. Moreover, the legislation, as far as both its principals and procedural system are concerned, has been greatly influenced by Christian ethics as well as by the contemporary Byzantine legislative codes. Moving further in this chapter, we detect the effects on the ideology, political and social. At this point, it becomes clear that many of the fundamental ideas of the Byzantine ideology can be found into the Axumite’s beliefs. Such ideas refer 200 to the sacredness of the king, the state’s origins and role, which is believed to be universal. Axum’s self-awareness and particularly the perception of their position among other nations has likewise been affected by Byzantium. At this point we refer to the way the Byzantines saw Axum. Due to serious lack of historical evidence regarding the society of Axum, we can spot very little influence in their social ideology. This chapter concludes with a pinpointing of the influence on the way Axum organized its diplomatic protocol and performed foreign policy. The essay closes with the last part, the conclusion where the main deductions are concisely recapitulated; the deductions to which we were led during our study on the character and role of this state in the international scenery of that time. / Prof. B. Hendrickx

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The purpose of this thesis is to examine Franklin D. Roosevelt's role as an anti-colonialist and his plan for a post-war world. Roosevelt believed that colonialism was the cause of hatred, discontent and war. With this in mind, he pursued an anti-colonial policy against the British and French empires, to him, the mainstay of colonial power.

Depuis l’Antiquité, l’expérience politique assyrienne (XIVème - VIIème siècles av. J.-C.) a été définie comme un « Empire ». Les sources classiques et bibliques ont créé une image historiographique des Assyriens caractérisée par une violence militariste, par une sexualité excessive et par un urbanisme exagéré. En plus, la théorie de la translatio imperii identifiait dans l’Empire assyrien le premier Empire de l’histoire. À partir du milieu du XIXème siècle la découverte des vestiges des villes royales en Mésopotamie du Nord et surtout des bas-reliefs, qui ornaient les palais royaux, a donné accès à une quantité d’informations directes sur les Assyriens. L’interprétation historiographique de ces données a eu comme modèle l’Empire romain, déjà bien connu par les savants. Le déchiffrement du système cunéiforme et la lecture des sources écrites assyriennes qui en a suivi a certifié l’image impériale puissante et militariste suggérée par les sources anciennes. À partir de cette époque et jusqu’à nos jours, les informations concernant les Assyriens ont augmentées constamment. En même temps, le travail d’interprétation historiographique a été influencé tant par les différentes doctrines économiques et politiques, que par les intérêts des nations qui finançaient les recherches. Pour décrire l’expérience politique assyrienne ont été employées par les Assyriologues des catégories typiquement modernes, telles que l’impérialisme et le colonialisme, ou plus récemment, la globalisation. L’objectif de cette thèse de doctorat est de reconstruire le cheminement épistémologique du concept d’« Empire assyrien », avec une attention spécifique à l’apport de la recherche archéologique en Mésopotamie du Nord. / Since the Antiquity the political experience of the Assyrians has been defined as an “Empire”. Biblical and ancient sources have created a historiographical image of the Assyrians, which was characterized by military violence, an excessive sexuality and an exaggerated urbanism. Moreover, following the theory of the translatio imperii, the Assyrian Empire should have been the first empire of history. Starting from the middle of the XIX century the discovering of the vestiges of the royal cities in the north of Mesopotamia, and especially of the bas reliefs which adorned the royal palaces, gave access to an enormous quantity of direct information about the Assyrians. The historiographical model which was employed in order to interpret this data was the roman empire, which was already very well-known by scholars. The deciphering of the cuneiform system and the consequent possibility of accessing to Assyrian written sources certified the powerful and militaristic image suggested by the ancient sources. Since that period and during the next excavations up until today, the information about the Assyrians has constantly increased. At the same time the work of historical interpretation has been influenced not only by the different economic and political theories but also by the interests of the nations which financed the researches. In order to try to understand the Assyrian political experience, typically modern categories have been employed by Assyriologists, such as imperialism and colonialism, or more recently the globalization. The aim of this doctoral thesis consists in reconstructing the epistemological course of the concept of “Assyrian Empire”, with a specific attention to the contribution of archaeological researches in the Northern Mesopotamia.

Dans cette thèse, nous tâchons de démontrer que l’histoire de la musique à Alger entre les années 1860 et l’indépendance ne peut se passer d’une approche en termes de rencontre et de transferts entre les expressions musicales européennes et indigènes. Spectacle vivant et lieu de rencontre, la pratique musicale a été saisie très tôt au cours du XXe siècle comme un moyen de travailler au rapprochement des communautés ; un des principes auquel ont œuvré de nombreux acteurs de la société civile, appuyés de manière croissante par les autorités publiques. Le frottement soutenu entre les différents genres musicaux a contribué à en former et à en consolider les contours, de sorte que la musique dite aujourd’hui « çan‘a » ou « andalouse » d’Alger est le produit d’un dialogue entre Européens et indigènes. Ainsi, entre 1862 et 1962, il est possible de parler de chemin « franco-musulman » parcouru par les musiques d’Algérie ; chemin qui contribue à modeler leur forme et qui révèle que la portée historique de l’indépendance dans le champ musical est aussi limitée que sa force mémorielle est démesurée, quand on considère les discours nationalistes dont les musiques d’Algérie sont aujourd’hui investies. Cependant, le cas musical algérois est peut-être plus significatif dans le champ d’une histoire culturelle de la France : il révèle – contre toute attente ? – qu’en France, le multiculturalisme n’est pas une fonction de l’impérialisme. Considérer un instant qu’Alger n’est pas foncièrement « coloniale » entre 1862 et 1962, reconnaître qu’elle a un temps partagé le destin de l’hexagone et constater qu’elle est un lieu d’application d’une politique culturelle de la diversité interroge le jacobinisme français, dont on répète pourtant à l’envie, qu’il est congénital. / In this dissertation, we seek to demonstrate that the history of music in Algiers from the 1860s to independence must be apprehended in terms of meeting and transfers between European and indigenous musical expressions. Characterized by live performance and being a point of contact, musical practice has been understood, as early as the beginning of the 20th century, as a means to create and tighten ties between communities; a purpose to which many actors of civil society have worked, increasingly supported by public authorities. Rubbed together, the different musical genres were modelled and consolidated, so that the Algiers’s so-called “Andalusian” musical tradition was, in fact, shaped by the dialogue between Europeans and indigenes. Thus, from 1862 to 1962, one can speak of Algerian music’s “franco-muslim” path; a path which reveals that the historical significance of Algerian independence in the field of music is as limited as its memorial weight is overwhelming in contemporary nationalist narratives on Algerian music. However, the Algiers musical case might be more telling from a cultural history of modern France point of view: it shows – surprisingly? – that in France, multiculturalism is not tied to imperialism. If one considers for a moment that Algiers, from 1862 to 1962, is not fundamentally “colonial”, admits that it has for a time shared a common destiny with the hexagone, and yields to the fact that it hosted a genuine cultural policy aimed at the promotion of diversity, one is led to wonder if Jacobinism, as is often said, is consubstantial to France.

Cette thèse porte sur une étude générale de la vie littéraire sous le premier Empire. Il s’agit non seulement de retracer l’histoire littéraire de cette période méconnue, mais aussi d’analyser les rapports qu’avaient les écrivains avec le régime napoléonien. De plus, cette littérature, si faible en production littéraire dans l’opinion publique, augure déjà de la renaissance prochaine des lettres françaises après les épreuves sanglantes de la Révolution. Elle est donc naturellement celle qui ouvre la voie à toute cette pléthore d’auteurs célèbres qui porteront le romantisme à son accomplissement. Notre problématique est donc d’analyser le rôle des auteurs du début du siècle tels que Chateaubriand, Madame de Staël et Senancour dans cette éclosion spectaculaire de l’écriture romantique. Ce travail a aussi pour but de dresser un tableau complet des genres sous le premier Empire : le roman, le théâtre, la poésie sont traités en profondeur en faisant ressortir les nouveautés intervenues dans ces formes littéraires, une attention particulière est accordée aux figures talentueuses qui s’illustrent dans cette littérature. La presse est étudié de manière approfondie, on s’est surtout intéressé aux conditions dans lesquelles les journalistes écrivaient dans les papiers ; c'est-à-dire que l’on a passé en revue la législation restrictive mise en place par le régime pour diriger l’esprit public. En province, les mêmes mesures contraignantes étaient observées sous la vigilance des préfets, une création de Napoléon. La conception napoléonienne du pouvoir, et la légitimité qu’il fonde sur la gloire constituent la charpente de ce chapitre qui analyse profondément les vues et les innovations de l’Empereur dans la gestion des affaires du pays. Ainsi ce travail ambitionne de porter un nouvel éclairage sur la décennie qui a vu Napoléon arriver au pouvoir et forger un imaginaire depuis devenu légendaire. Nous avons donc tenté de corriger cette omission en entreprenant ce travail qui apporte une nouvelle vision et une nouvelle connaissance du premier Empire hors des clichés et des stéréotypes portant sur la faiblesse de sa production littéraire. / This thesis concerns a general study of the literary life under the first Empire. It is not only a question of redrawing the literary history of this underestimated period, but also of analyzing the reports connections which had the writers with the napoleonic regime. Furthermore, this literature, so weak in literary production in the public opinion, already expect from the next revival of the French letters after the bloody events of the Revolution. It is the one thus naturally which opens the way to all this plethora of famous authors who will carry the romanticism in its fulfillment. Our problem thus is to analyze the role of the authors of the beginning of the century such as Chateaubriand, Madame de Staël and Senancour in this spectacular hatching of the romantic writing. This work also aims at drawing up a complete board of the genres under the first Empire: the novel, the theater, the poetry are treated in depth by highlighting the novelties intervened in these literary forms, a particular attention is tuned to the talented figures which become famous in this literature. The press is studied in a detailed way, we were especially interested in the conditions in which the journalists wrote in papers; that is we reviewed the restrictive legislation organized by the regime to manage the public spirit. In province, the same binding measures were observed under the attentiveness of the prefects, a creation of Napoleon. The napoleonic conception of the power and its legitimacy which stand on the glory constitutes the skeleton of this chapter which analyzes profoundly the sights and the innovations of the Emperor in the management of the country affairs. So this work aspires to concern a new lighting the decade which saw Napoleon coming to power and forging an imagination since become legendary. We thus tried to correct this omission by undertaking this work which brings a new vision and a new knowledge of the first Empire outside clichés and stereotypes concerning the weakness of its literary production.