In this thesis I investigate gender in environmental non-governmental organisations (ENGOs) in the United Kingdom (UK) and Turkey. ENGOs play an increasingly important role as lobbyists on environmental policy making at national and international scales. There is large literature dealing with gender inequalities in governing bodies, and in organisations. However, gender structures of ENGOs and their implications for campaigns have been under-researched. I therefore examined the structure and composition of ENGOs in the UK and Turkey, how far they include women in decision-making process and the implications for their campaigns. To this end, I undertook cross-national comparative research applying feminist research methodology to explore differences and similarities and underlying factors for gender inequalities in organisational settings in two different societies. The research methods included 38 interviews and one focus group interview in 9 ENGOs in the UK and 40 interviews in 10 ENGOs in Turkey. These were conducted mainly with senior managers, but also with junior managers and staff. Furthermore, I placed myself as a volunteer and researcher in two ENGOs, one in the UK and one in Turkey in order to observe the organisational practices directly and to enable triangulation of data. In addition, I collected secondary data from annual reports, staff charts, publications and websites of the organisations to collect data on gender compositions as well as campaigns of the ENGOs. In order to explore and provide sufficient explanation for the under-representation of female senior managers and gender inequalities in ENGOs settings, theoretical approaches were looked into in order to find the most appropriate feminist theories that explain the gendered nature of ENGOs. I found that while the ENGO sectors in both countries are dominated by female employees, white, middle class men are in charge of the decision-making in the ENGOs. Moreover, in the ENGOs I found that there seemed to be resistance to integrate gender related perspectives when deciding environmental campaigns. Since there is no research on ENGOs that makes gender blindness visible, this thesis is an attempt to fill that gap. I argue that neglecting gender relations in environmental decision-making and campaigns reinforces the current gendered practices and imbalances in ENGOs that fail to integrate women’s perspectives in environmental policies.

Our planet is currently in the midst of a mass extinction event. Plants and animals are dying off at a rate undocumented since the dinosaurs went extinct 65 million years ago. Unlike earlier extinction events, however, the current ecological crisis is primarily being driven by a single species – homo sapiens. Although a seemingly overwhelming issue, environmental non-governmental organizations (ENGOs) have dedicated themselves to ensuring strong species protection. In Canada, these interest groups launched and sustained a successful national campaign for federal endangered species legislation that culminated in the enactment of the Species at Risk Act (SARA). While ENGOs‟ campaign for protective legislation has been well-documented by scholars, there is a dearth of research regarding ENGOs‟ strategies following the passage of SARA. In order to address this knowledge gap, this thesis examines and compares the strategies employed by interest groups in both the pre- and post-passage stages of the Act. After conducting qualitative interviews with seven representatives of Canadian-based ENGOs, this study finds that following the passage of SARA interest groups, dissatisfied with the government‟s weak implementation of the Act, decided to overhaul their strategic approach and shifted the species at risk issue to three new institutional venues: the boardrooms of private corporations, the Commission for Environmental Cooperation (CEC), and the domestic judicial arena. The thesis concludes that, despite inherent challenges, shifting institutional venues can be a successful strategy for ENGOs faced with a government reluctant to implement the hard-won legislative commitments. This work may prove to be particularly pertinent for other non-governmental organizations facing similar obstacles. / Graduate

A trend has recently sprung up among several European countries, that have adopted climate laws as a way to deal with the current climate crisis. Comparing these laws, it seems as though there are vast differences between the levels of commitment to take climate action. Especially, one case seems to stand out significantly as it is much more ambitious in many regards: The Danish Climate Act of 2019. What makes this case even more unique is that Danish civil society was heavily involved in the creation of this policy outcome. Thus, with this thesis, I hoped to explore the role of non-state actors in normative shifts in the ways countries and civil society think about and react to CC. Accordingly, the purpose of this paper is to answer the following puzzle: What is the role and influence of the Danish climate movement – posing as norm entrepreneurs – in the adoption of Denmark’s Climate Act?  Using qualitative semi-structured expert interviews, three major explanatory variables were discovered that are likely to have resulted in the adoption of Denmark’s climate law. The first variable concentrates on the strong social cohesion and close relations among various actor-groups in Denmark, while the second contends that various developments intertwined and overlapped in a manner that constituted the perfect timing for the climate movement to act. Together, the interplay between these two major variables facilitated the third major finding of this research project, which argues that the effective character of the social mobilization around the cause, triggered by the strategic agency of the Danish climate movement, has led to the adoption of Denmark’s Climate Act.

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Abstract: This research seeks to investigate the possibilities and inadequacies of including wild animals within the justice realm. It bases this research on the reasons and rationales of representatives within environmental non- governmental organizations (ENGOs), non-governmental organizations (NGOs) and public agency working with animal- rights and welfare or environmental protection. These representatives reason from a personal and organizational perspective concerning justice, ethics and morals to wild animals. Environmental Justice (EJ) and Ecological Justice (EcJ) serves as the main theories for this research where EJ is often perceived as anthropocentric and EcJ as a non- anthropocentric amelioration of the former. The results indicate that Animal Rights (AR) and World Animal Protection (WAP) think more of animals in terms of individualism, whilst World Wide Foundation (WWF), Swedish Environmental Protection Agency (SEPA) and Swedish Society for Nature Conservation (SSNC) think in terms of consideration for species and ecosystems holistically. Some respondents perceived justice exclusively as a human term, however with regard to altered paths of reasoning later in the interview as most respondents continuously struggled, to various degrees, to make sense of justice in relation to wild animals. There were occasional uncertainties concerning ethics and morals, however less alien than the justice term and more relevant in relation to other NGOs, i.e. animal- rights and welfare organizations and less outspoken, though not entirely dismissed, within ENGOs and public agency. However, although some respondents occasionally argued that they do not reflect on ethics, morals and justice, these interviews are testament that they do, but with other terms and concepts that could be argued to be synonymous to ethics, morals and justice and perhaps used consciously and/or unconsciously at work. In other words, one can say that a different kind of rhetoric was applied i.e. justice in form of rights, respect. Another finding of the research was a structuration concern: specifically, on whether morals and ethics are reflected in law, or whether the law becomes what constitutes our morals and ethics, given as a majority of the respondents often refer to laws as general guidelines. In other words, does the law reflect reality, or does the law constitute reality? What is the dialectic here? In conclusion, wild animals might never receive full justice, where the researcher analyses it as a sequence of animals not holding moral capacities enough to be moral agents, though with the exception of having rights. As shown in the results, some wild animals can already be said to receive justice, e.g. wild animals as state property and hunting legislation, whilst other wild animals are excluded altogether, e.g. wild animals not being considered in welfare law. In this way, many future challenges include expanding the legal stance of wild animals. Human precedence barricades the opportunities for extending justice which are shown in this study and can be said to link to relational-, aesthetical-, contextual factors and deep cultural values and associations, aspects which overshadow human flourishing, wild animals not having a counterpart, animals as objects and so forth. Though, by giving e.g. wild animals a heightened status in legislation, extending the moral circle to include wild animals the utility of justice may prove helpful in furthering the rights and welfare of animals. Additionally, properties as recognition through, e.g. agency and capabilities could also guide us in giving justice to the natural world, as highlighted by Schlosberg (2007), but also the idea of intrinsic value as highlighted by many respondents. Future research may consider the holistic and individualistic tendencies held within ENGOs, NGOs and public agency to see how it could be mutually considered to a larger extent. As highlighted by one of the respondents, perhaps laws and legislation are not enough and that one could investigate more in how one perceive animals culturally, in other words human dimensions socially and culturally.

Abstract New forms of environmental governance are implemented with promises associated with more flexible and participatory decision-making. However, resistance towards these ways of doing decisions occurs also in relation to forests in northern Finland. This thesis seeks to explain this resistance and to discuss how participation in the context of multi-level environmental governance can be enhanced. A combination of anthropological fieldwork methods and concepts from environmental politics is used to create a bottom-up research strategy to examine forest governance. Based on theme interviews, planning documents and press releases of various actors, this thesis identifies problems for hybrid forest governance modes, which combine State, market, and civil society actors in decision-making processes. Based on selected topical case studies regarding state-owned commercial forests in Inari, Forest Lapland, Muonio, and Liperinsuo three different governance modes are identified: a State-based mode with a participatory dimension and two ‘pressure’ modes taking place via market-based campaigns of environmental NGOs and local protests. Concerning the protected areas, namely Malla Strict Nature Reserve and the Pallas-Ylläs and Oulanka national parks, one governance mode is identified as taking place on the vertical park managements – international conservation agencies – local resource users axis. A major explanation for resistance towards the different governance modes is that decision-making processes neglect site-specifics. Related problems include missing stakeholders, lack of site-specific discussions in planning processes, generalised concepts used in standardisation practices, engagement of ‘faraway’ stakeholders in decision processes, and lack of transparency. As a result, ‘the site strikes back’ responses, i.e. pressure campaigns, protests, opposition, and rumours have emerged. In order to mitigate resistance, this thesis proposes ways to enhance participation and deliberation in forest governance. However, the utility of these suggestions is challenged by polarised views and a lack of trust between the different parties. Finally, hypotheses explaining resistance towards decision-making are formulated. Also, contributions to environmental anthropology are outlined, and further questions relevant for research on environmental governance are posed. / Tiivistelmä Uudet ympäristöhallinnan muodot lupaavat parempaa kansalaisosallistumista ja joustavuutta päätöksentekoon. Kuitenkin näitäkin hallinnan muotoja vastustetaan myös Pohjois-Suomen metsiin liittyen. Tässä väitöskirjassa pyritään selittämään vastarintaa metsien hallintaa kohtaan valtion omistamissa talousmetsissä ja suojelualueilla. Väitöskirjassa yhdistetään antropologisia kenttätyömenetelmiä ja ympäristöpolitiikan käsitteitä. Pohjaten teemahaastatteluihin, suunnitteludokumentteihin, lehdistötiedotteisiin ja www-sivuihin tämä väitöskirja määrittää ongelmia hybrideille hallinnan ja päätöksenteon muodoille, jotka koostuvat valtioon, markkinoihin ja kansalaisyhteiskuntaan liittyvien toimijoiden vuorovaikutuksesta. Pohjaten ajankohtaisiin metsäkiistoihin Inarissa, Metsä-Lapissa, Muoniossa ja Liperinsuolla kolme erilaista hallinnan muotoa erotellaan: valtiovetoinen hallinnan muoto, johon kansalaisyhteiskunta linkittyy osallistavien prosessien kautta sekä kaksi ”painostusmuotoa”, jotka koostuvat ympäristöjärjestöjen markkinapohjaisista kampanjoista sekä paikallislähtöisistä protesteista. Mallan, Pallas-Ylläksen ja Oulangan suojelualueisiin liittyen määritellään yksi hallinnan muoto, joka muodostuu puistojen hallinnoista, kansainvälisistä suojelutoimijoista sekä paikallisista luonnonkäyttäjistä. Näitä hallinnan muotoja yhdistää se, että niiden kohtaama vastarinta johtuu paikkakohtaisen päätöksenteon puutteista. Ongelmat liittyvät päätöksentekoprosesseista puuttuviin intressiryhmiin, suunnitteluprosesseissa käytyjen keskustelujen yleisluonteisuuteen, yleispätevien käsitteiden käyttöön standardoimisprosesseissa erityisesti suojelualueilla, läpinäkyvyyden puutteeseen sekä kaukaisten toimijoiden osallistumiseen paikallisiin päätöksiin. Näiden ongelmien seurauksena paikkakohtaisuutta ei huomioida riittävästi hallinnassa, mistä seuraa ’paikan vastaisku’ protestien, huhujen, vastustuksen ja kampanjoiden muodossa. Vastarinnan syntymistä voitaisiin ehkäistä parantamalla osallistumista ja neuvottelua, joskaan parannusehdotuksetkaan eivät ratkaise luottamuksen puutteeseen ja osapuolten näkemysten napaistumiseen liittyviä ongelmia. Väitöskirjassa luodaan hypoteeseja, jotka selittävät ympäristöhallinnan kohtaamaa vastarintaa. Lisäksi väitöskirja tarjoaa antia sekä uusia tutkimuskysymyksiä erityisesti ympäristöantropologialle.