<p>Opinions, rankings and evaluations of states’ development are proliferating. In the context of the transformation and EU accession of the Baltic States, there were many organizations involved in the scrutiny of their efforts to become accepted as modern and European. This scrutiny directed towards states can be seen as a new practice of transnational regulation. Especially in times of major transformation, as was the case in the Baltic States after the collapse of the Soviet bloc, monitoring and evaluation of achievements can be expected to shape how reforms were prioritized and how problems were perceived. In order to gain a better understanding of these transformations it is necessary to study the practice of organizations that scrutinize the states.</p><p>The aim of the thesis is to analyze the role of scrutiny as a practice of transnational regulation. By analyzing how international organizations scrutinize states, this thesis adds knowledge to how transforming states are constructed in the everyday practices of scrutiny. A main argument is that by evaluating and reporting on states, international organizations can be seen as ‘auditors’ of transformations in states. The thesis compares three such ‘auditors’ and their respective relations to the states under scrutiny, namely: the European Commission, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and the NGO Transparency International. </p><p>The thesis contributes to discussions about the role of transnational regulation in the transformation of states. By comparing the three cases of scrutiny it is concluded that scrutiny produces both comfort and critique for and about these transforming states. In addition, through processes of scrutinizing, states are constructed as auditable and comparable. Scrutiny also inscribes states into a story about progress, it thus offers hope about reforms and of a better future.</p>

<p>This paper addresses the so-called political rationale of the European Union’s (EU) regional policy in the context of the forthcoming eastern enlargement. The political rationale emphasises a particular type of organisation, involving multiple layers of governance and actors. This organisation is considered important in effectively reducing regional disparities. Regarding the great amount of EU regional funding the candidate states in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) are expected to receive upon accession, capable institutions and structures for handling these funds are vital. Also, it is a crucial part of the EU’s accession criteria. By using Hungary and the implementation of the partnership principle as a case study, the process of preparing for the regional funds in CEE is investigated in-depth. A policy analysis of the cohesion between EU policy objectives and the Hungarian implementation process of the partnership principle serves as the overall basis for the analysis. In order to analyse and understand the implementation process, Historical Institutionalism (HI) is applied as a theoretical framework. It contributes by assessing the factors affecting the implementation process and thus, policy coherence. A triangulation of data consisting of interviews with Hungarian officials and EU Member State experts involved in the implementation of partnership practices, primary and secondary texts as well as basic statistics is made against the propositions formulated through HI.</p><p> In turn, a number of analytical findings have been discovered. Firstly, the policy process is seen as highly constrained by formal and informal institutional factors, created by historical policy legacies. These have shaped the goals and preferences of the actors involved and have also privileged certain groups over others. In turn, path-dependency is noticed. Secondly, this has made policy cohesion rather weak, with certain short-term requirements being fulfilled but with a lack of more in-depth, long-term measures. Thus, there is a mismatch between the EU and the Hungarian regional policy organisation. Thirdly, although the formal institutional mechanisms for change are rather rigid, indications of informal mechanisms providing possibilities of institutional change were found, with some actors adapting to the EU enlargement context. This could lead to partnership practises gradually infiltrating some ofthe institutional and organizational features and in turn, become strengthened through the multi-level governance structure of the EU. Yet, implementation of the partnership principle is identified as a long and open process, with the real challenges arriving as Hungary enters the EU</p>

<p>Det är vanligt att arbetsgivare missar vikten av att motivera extra anställda. Resultatet av att förbise betydelsen av motivation kan bidra till oengagerad och illojal personal samt ökade kostnader för nyrekrytering. Om arbetsgivaren lägger vikt vid att förstå vad som motiverar personalen kan arbetsgivaren öka glädjen, effektiviteten och därmed lönsamheten i verksamheten.</p><p>Uppsatsens syfte är att belysa extra anställdas motivationsfaktorer och hur viktigt arbetsgivare och arbetstagare anser att motivation är.</p><p>För att bättre försöka förstå vad som driver en individ, har vi med kvalitativ metod genomfört intervjuer. Vi har intervjuat fyra extra anställda och två arbetsgivare på två företag inom branscher där sådan anställning är vanlig. Frågorna har formulerats med öppna svar då vi har varit intresserade av att respondenterna skulle berätta fritt. Vi har ställt frågor enligt en mall då vi har haft som syfte att kunna jämföra svaren mellan de olika individerna. Eftersom vi har erfarenhet inom ämnet som vi inte kunnat bortse ifrån därför har vi tolkat svaren enligt ett hermeneutiskt synsätt.</p><p>Teorin vi har använt är främst job enrichment/enlargement och commitment, dessa två teorier grundas på Maslows och Herzbergs äldre teorier om motivation varför vi även tar upp dessa.</p><p>Med teorierna som grund har vi analyserat informanterna svar och jämfört om det finns likheter eller olikheter mellan dem. Vidare har vi jämfört arbetsgivarens och arbetstagarnas syn på motivation och om dessa överensstämmer med varandra.</p><p>I vår slutsats har vi kommit fram till att lönen är initial för att arbeta extra men den är inte avgörande för motivationen. Arbetstagarna och arbetsgivarnas uppfattningar om motivation skiljer sig åt mellan företagen. På restaurangen är parterna överens om vad som är motiverande och arbetsgivaren arbetar aktivt för att underhålla motivationen. På butiken anser vi att det finns ett glapp mellan arbetstagare och arbetsgivare om vad som är motiverande. Vi tolkar arbetsgivaren som oreflekterade om vad motivation skulle kunna bidra med för att öka arbetsglädjen.</p>

Im Rahmen der fünften Erweiterungswelle der EU um zwölf neue Mitgliedsstaaten setzte die EU-Kommission erstmals auf das Instrument der Verwaltungspartnerschaften. Das sogenannte Twinning umfasst Projekte, bei denen Behördenmitarbeiter aus Verwaltungen der EU-Mitgliedsstaaten in Partnerbehörden der Beitrittsländer entsandt werden, um diese bei der Umsetzung des EU-Rechtsbestandes zu beraten. Im Gegensatz zur bisherigen Forschungsliteratur, die sich vor allem auf die Europäisierung der Beitrittsländer konzentriert, geht die Autorin dieser Forschungsarbeit davon aus, dass Twinning-Projekte auch zur Europäisierung der beteiligten deutschen Verwaltungen beitragen. Mithilfe neo-institutionalistischer Ansätze entwickelt die Autorin die These, dass Twinning-Projekte den Handlungsspielraum der involvierten Akteure innerhalb der europäischen Dimension erheblich erweitern. Inwieweit diese Akteure die von der EU-Kommission im Rahmen des PHARE-Programms zur Verfügung gestellten materiellen und immateriellen Ressourcen tatsächlich genutzt haben, wurde für vier deutsche Bundesressorts (BMWi, BMU, BMI, BMG) vergleichend untersucht. Als Ergebnis kann festgehalten werden, dass Effekte vertikaler Europäisierung stark von der Unterstützung nationaler Entscheidungsträger abhängen. Effekte horizontaler Europäisierung in den deutschen Ministerialverwaltungen werden hingegen vom Engagement der einzelnen Akteure bestimmt. Hier entstehen neue Kontakte und Netzwerke, die auf Formen neuartigen Regierens in der EU hinweisen (European Governance). / In the course of the fifth European Union enlargement of twelve new member states, the EU Commission introduced the instrument of institutional partnerships. The so-called twinning comprises projects in which civil servants from EU member state administrations are delegated to partner administrations in accession countries to support the implementation of the acquis communitaire. Contrary to the existing research literature focusing on Europeanization of accession countries, the author of this research paper argues that Twinning projects also contribute to the Europeanization of the involved German administrations. Using the tools of neo-institutionalism, the author develops the central thesis that Twinning projects enlarge the scope of action within the European dimension of all actors involved. In how far material and immaterial resources provided by the EU Commission under PHARE programme have been used by these actors has been analysed by comparing four German federal ministries (Economy, Environment, Home Affairs, Health). As a matter of fact, effects of vertical Europeanization heavily depend on the support of national key decision makers. Effects of horizontal Europeanization in German ministries arise, however, from activities of individual actors. As a result, contacts and policy networks evolve and shed light on new forms of governance within the European Union (European Governance).

Die Europäische Währungsunion (EWU) umfasst heute 16 Staaten mit insgesamt 321 Millionen Einwohnern, sie ist mit einem Bruttoinlandsprodukt von 22,9 Billionen Euro einer der größten Wirtschaftsräume der Erde. In den nächsten Jahren wird die EWU durch die Aufnahme der 2004 und 2007 beigetretenen neuen EU-Länder weiter wachsen. Da der Beitritt von der Erfüllung der Kriterien von Maastricht abhängt, erfolgt die Erweiterung im Gegensatz zur 5. Erweiterungsrunde der EU nicht als Block, sondern sequentiell. Nach den Beitritten von Slowenien am 1.1.2007 und der Slowakei zum 1.1.2009 steht der Beitritt eines ersten großen Landes in den nächsten Jahren bevor. Daher stößt die Frage der Effekte eines solchen Beitritts seit geraumer Zeit auf breites Interesse in der ökonomischen Literatur. Das Forschungsziel der Dissertation ist es, die theoretischen Wirkungsmechanismen eines Beitritts der neuen Mitgliedsländer zur Europäischen Währungsunion abzubilden. Hierzu werden mögliche stabilitätspolitische Konsequenzen sowie die Auswirkungen eines Beitritts auf die geografische Wirtschaftsstruktur und das Wachstum dieser Länder in theoretischen Modellen abgeleitet. Die direkten Effekte des Beitritts werden in einem angewandt-theoretischen Modell zudem quantifiziert. Insgesamt wird der Beitritt aus drei verschiedenen Perspektiven analysiert: Erstens werden die Konsequenzen der Währungsunion für die Stabilitätspolitik der neuen Mitgliedsländer im Rahmen eines neukeynesianischen Modells betrachtet. Zweitens werden die mit der Transaktionskostensenkung verbundenen Gewinne in einem angewandten Gleichgewichtsmodell quantifiziert. Drittens werden die wachstumstheoretischen Wirkungen der Finanzmarktintegration in einem dynamischen Gleichgewichtsmodell untersucht. Da die drei Aspekte der makroökonomischen Stabilität, der Transaktionskostensenkung und der dynamischen Wirkungen der Finanzmarktintegration weitgehend unabhängig voneinander auftreten, ist die Verwendung verschiedener Modelle mit geringen Kosten verbunden. In der Gesamtbeurteilung des EWU-Beitritts der neuen EU-Länder kommt diese Arbeit zu einer anderen Einschätzung als bisherige Studien. Die in Teil eins ermittelten stabilitätspolitischen Konsequenzen sind entweder neutral oder implizieren bei Beitritt zur Währungsunion eine größere Stabilität. Die in Teil zwei und drei ermittelten statischen und dynamischen Gewinne eines Beitritts sind zudem erheblich, so dass ein schneller Beitritt zur Währungsunion für die neuen EU-Mitgliedsländer vorteilhaft ist. Unter Berücksichtigung der Ziele der Europäischen Wirtschafts- und Währungsunion (EWWU) müssen hierzu jedoch zwei Bedingungen erfüllt sein. Einerseits sind hinreichend entwickelte Finanzmärkte notwendig, um das Ziel einer Konvergenz der neuen und alten EU-Mitgliedsländer zu erreichen. Andererseits wird der Gesamtraum von einer stärkeren Finanzmarktintegration und einer Senkung der Transaktionskosten profitieren, jedoch durch die Übertragung von Schocks der neuen Mitgliedsländer instabiler. Daher kann der Beitritt der neuen Mitgliedsländer zur EWU für den Gesamtraum negativ sein. Diese Kosten sind nur dann zu rechtfertigen, falls über die schnellere Entwicklung der neuen Mitgliedsstaaten eine höhere Stabilität des Währungsraumes erzielt wird. Das neukeynesianische Wachstumsmodell gibt Hinweise, dass eine solche Entwicklung eintreten könnte. / The European Monetary Union consists of 16 member states, is inhabited by 321 million people and has a joint GDP of 22.9 trillion Euros. It is one of the largest economic areas in the world. In the next years the Eurozone will growth further, eight remaining new EU member states will join after their fulfillment of the Maastricht criteria. This makes accession rather sequential, Slovenia joined in 2007, Slovakia in 2009 and Estonia is about to join the Eurozone in 2010. However, these rules open the opportunity for a new EU-member state to postpone membership of EMU in violating the Maastricht criteria like Sweden. The contribution of my Ph.D. thesis is to derive channels of the impact of an EMU accession on the macro-economy. To this aim, I analyze the effects of accession on stability, growth and the geographical structure within theoretical models. The static effects of accession are quantified within a computable equilibrium model. In the conclusions I answer the question whether there are economic reasons for a new member state to avoid EMU membership. The thesis is organized in three parts reflecting three perspectives of accession. Within the first main chapter, the effects of accession on stability are analyzed within a dynamic general equilibrium framework (DSGE). After a short discussion of the effects of monetary arrangements on the stability of an economy, I analyze the well-known arguments of the theory of optimum currency areas. Thereafter the model is used to analyze the transmission of shocks within the monetary union. The second main chapter of the thesis is related to static effects of accession. I show that in five new member states gains from accession outpace costs. Nevertheless, the gain from accession varies among accession countries and economic activities. Overall, small open economies tend to benefit to a greater extent than medium-size, more closed economies. In the third main chapter of the thesis a multiregional growth model is developed. In this model further integration leads to more efficient financial markets which foster growth. Nevertheless, like in all new economic geography (NEG) models, there could be the outcome of a catastrophic agglomeration. Capital could move from poor accession countries to rich western Eurozone countries. To prevent such a catastrophic agglomeration, financial markets should show a minimum degree of development. The conclusion of the thesis supports the accession of new member states to the Eurozone. I argue that the consequences of EMU accession will be either neutral or positive for the accession countries. Since these countries tend to be more instable, they could gain from an equalization of shocks within the Eurozone. The static effects outpace the costs of accession. Within the last years we saw huge progress in the integration of new EU-member states into the international financial system. A catastrophic agglomeration should therefore be unlikely. However, market capitalization remains low and bank lending is less profitable than in western EU-countries so that a risk remains which could justify a postponement of accession.

This paper addresses the so-called political rationale of the European Union’s (EU) regional policy in the context of the forthcoming eastern enlargement. The political rationale emphasises a particular type of organisation, involving multiple layers of governance and actors. This organisation is considered important in effectively reducing regional disparities. Regarding the great amount of EU regional funding the candidate states in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) are expected to receive upon accession, capable institutions and structures for handling these funds are vital. Also, it is a crucial part of the EU’s accession criteria. By using Hungary and the implementation of the partnership principle as a case study, the process of preparing for the regional funds in CEE is investigated in-depth. A policy analysis of the cohesion between EU policy objectives and the Hungarian implementation process of the partnership principle serves as the overall basis for the analysis. In order to analyse and understand the implementation process, Historical Institutionalism (HI) is applied as a theoretical framework. It contributes by assessing the factors affecting the implementation process and thus, policy coherence. A triangulation of data consisting of interviews with Hungarian officials and EU Member State experts involved in the implementation of partnership practices, primary and secondary texts as well as basic statistics is made against the propositions formulated through HI. In turn, a number of analytical findings have been discovered. Firstly, the policy process is seen as highly constrained by formal and informal institutional factors, created by historical policy legacies. These have shaped the goals and preferences of the actors involved and have also privileged certain groups over others. In turn, path-dependency is noticed. Secondly, this has made policy cohesion rather weak, with certain short-term requirements being fulfilled but with a lack of more in-depth, long-term measures. Thus, there is a mismatch between the EU and the Hungarian regional policy organisation. Thirdly, although the formal institutional mechanisms for change are rather rigid, indications of informal mechanisms providing possibilities of institutional change were found, with some actors adapting to the EU enlargement context. This could lead to partnership practises gradually infiltrating some ofthe institutional and organizational features and in turn, become strengthened through the multi-level governance structure of the EU. Yet, implementation of the partnership principle is identified as a long and open process, with the real challenges arriving as Hungary enters the EU

Opinions, rankings and evaluations of states’ development are proliferating. In the context of the transformation and EU accession of the Baltic States, there were many organizations involved in the scrutiny of their efforts to become accepted as modern and European. This scrutiny directed towards states can be seen as a new practice of transnational regulation. Especially in times of major transformation, as was the case in the Baltic States after the collapse of the Soviet bloc, monitoring and evaluation of achievements can be expected to shape how reforms were prioritized and how problems were perceived. In order to gain a better understanding of these transformations it is necessary to study the practice of organizations that scrutinize the states. The aim of the thesis is to analyze the role of scrutiny as a practice of transnational regulation. By analyzing how international organizations scrutinize states, this thesis adds knowledge to how transforming states are constructed in the everyday practices of scrutiny. A main argument is that by evaluating and reporting on states, international organizations can be seen as ‘auditors’ of transformations in states. The thesis compares three such ‘auditors’ and their respective relations to the states under scrutiny, namely: the European Commission, the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD) and the NGO Transparency International. The thesis contributes to discussions about the role of transnational regulation in the transformation of states. By comparing the three cases of scrutiny it is concluded that scrutiny produces both comfort and critique for and about these transforming states. In addition, through processes of scrutinizing, states are constructed as auditable and comparable. Scrutiny also inscribes states into a story about progress, it thus offers hope about reforms and of a better future.

Det är vanligt att arbetsgivare missar vikten av att motivera extra anställda. Resultatet av att förbise betydelsen av motivation kan bidra till oengagerad och illojal personal samt ökade kostnader för nyrekrytering. Om arbetsgivaren lägger vikt vid att förstå vad som motiverar personalen kan arbetsgivaren öka glädjen, effektiviteten och därmed lönsamheten i verksamheten. Uppsatsens syfte är att belysa extra anställdas motivationsfaktorer och hur viktigt arbetsgivare och arbetstagare anser att motivation är. För att bättre försöka förstå vad som driver en individ, har vi med kvalitativ metod genomfört intervjuer. Vi har intervjuat fyra extra anställda och två arbetsgivare på två företag inom branscher där sådan anställning är vanlig. Frågorna har formulerats med öppna svar då vi har varit intresserade av att respondenterna skulle berätta fritt. Vi har ställt frågor enligt en mall då vi har haft som syfte att kunna jämföra svaren mellan de olika individerna. Eftersom vi har erfarenhet inom ämnet som vi inte kunnat bortse ifrån därför har vi tolkat svaren enligt ett hermeneutiskt synsätt. Teorin vi har använt är främst job enrichment/enlargement och commitment, dessa två teorier grundas på Maslows och Herzbergs äldre teorier om motivation varför vi även tar upp dessa. Med teorierna som grund har vi analyserat informanterna svar och jämfört om det finns likheter eller olikheter mellan dem. Vidare har vi jämfört arbetsgivarens och arbetstagarnas syn på motivation och om dessa överensstämmer med varandra. I vår slutsats har vi kommit fram till att lönen är initial för att arbeta extra men den är inte avgörande för motivationen. Arbetstagarna och arbetsgivarnas uppfattningar om motivation skiljer sig åt mellan företagen. På restaurangen är parterna överens om vad som är motiverande och arbetsgivaren arbetar aktivt för att underhålla motivationen. På butiken anser vi att det finns ett glapp mellan arbetstagare och arbetsgivare om vad som är motiverande. Vi tolkar arbetsgivaren som oreflekterade om vad motivation skulle kunna bidra med för att öka arbetsglädjen.

Present times are sometimes referred to as "the golden era of regulation", as more and more areas of social life are regulated. But regulation is not only increasing; it is also changing. New regulators are emerging, and they are issuing new kinds of rules. These new kinds of regulation are frequently not legally binding, and are therefore labelled soft regulation as opposed to hard law. It is not compulsory to follow soft rules but many actors - including sovereign states - still do, and the thesis asks the question why this is so. Why do even states, which are powerful regulators themselves, abide by soft regulation, and wherein lies the regulative power of soft rules? Through an in-depth study of the European Union's pre-accession instrument Twinning an answer to the question of the power of soft regulation has been arrived at. Treating Twinning as a critical case of soft regulation, and using theories of imitation to grasp the meaning and evolution of Twinning projects, makes it possible to define three regulative elements involved in soft regulation. These are the combinative, co-productive and constitutive elements of soft regulation, from which the thesis suggests that it derives its power. First of all, soft regulation combines different kinds of rules, the regulation of identity and the regulation of activity, and a variety of sources of legitimacy. Second, it depends on regulators and regulatees interacting to co-produce regulation. And third, as its main result, it constitutes the rule-followers as formal, rational, and modern organisations. Accordingly, soft regulation has rather impressive regulative capabilities, builds on complex, dynamic, and social interactions, and embodies as well as promotes some of Western society's most strongly institutionalised ideas. The thesis argues that it is through these characteristics that actors, including states, are compelled to follow soft rules.

This study explores how the European Union Enlargement policy of Germany as represented by her main political parties, being the Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands (Social Democratic Party-SPD) and the Christlich Demokratische Union Deutschlands (Christian Democratic Union-CDU), has evolved after 1990 towards the case of Turkey. These two parties have been analysed because they have clear and different stances towards Turkey&rsquo / s EU Accession process and they have witnessed and shaped watershed events of this process. The study does focus on the incumbencies of Helmut Kohl, Gerhard Schr&ouml / der and Angela Merkel. Thereby it relies on both a thorough literature review and also on the screening of plenty of official documents. This study attempts to scrutinize the differences between the stance of the SPD and CDU towards Turkey&rsquo / s EU Accession process. In this vein, it explores the interplay of political reforms and concepts of common culture, identity and history as variables in the altering attitudes of SPD and CDU. Further, this study rests on the ground that there have been breaking points in German support for EU Enlargement first emerged by the end of the Cold War and the concomitant new political climax and second with Turkey&rsquo / s EU Accession process. Ultimately, this study sets on the ground that there has been a shift in Germany&rsquo / s overt support for EU Enlargement which has been triggered by Turkey&rsquo / s entrenched and problematic EU Accession Process.