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This thesis compares the political positioning of Canadian Metis and Mexican mestizos. The central objective is to determine how the identities of these two groups have been affected by their countries' efforts to establish national identities. The initial assumption is that nationalizing projects, by nature, incorporate some groups, while marginalizing others. The body of the paper contains two chapters, with one chapter devoted to tracing the historical development of each group. The Metis, presented in chapter two, exhibit group cohesiveness during the 1800s and, in fact, begin to consider themselves part of a separate nation as early as 1816. However, after the 1885 Rebellion, the group becomes disenfranchised by Canadian expansionists. They join the ranks of non-status Indians, whose similar plights have meant their coordination ever since. The expansion of the group's associations has been problematic since their 1982 mention in the Charter of Rights and Freedoms, as establishing their privileges requires their agreeing on a definition of themselves. The mestizos, on the other hand, do not demonstrate the degree of cohesiveness that the Metis do. They are primarily identified by race and status, with no common history or political figures to bind them. In the 1920s, however, the group was used by the federal government to bridge the differences between European and indigenous peoples. As a result of this effort, the mestizo has become the personification of the national ideal, for a mestizo is neither European nor Indian, but Mexican. This has served to marginalize indigenous populations, many of whom consider the "cult of mestizo" the new form of colonialism in Mexico. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

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Investigation of first and second generation Korean-American ego and ethnic identity formation was explored through semi-structured, in-depth interviews. Seventeen self-identified Korean-American young adults, aged twenty-one to twenty-nine, were asked to describe their identity development within Bronfenbrenner's five ecological realms. Grounded theory methodology was used to link Erikson's theory of identity formation (1968) with Bronfenbrenner's Theory of Ecology (1979). Unlike Erikson's prescribed identity crisis for adolescents, Korean-Americans were found to delay their identity exploration until college or young adulthood when they were able to gain geographical and emotional distance from their parents. This was found to be primarily due to Korean culture's emphasis on three main areas--importance of family, respect for elders, and strive for excellence--which served to reinforce collective identity with one's family along with strong parental authority, which inhibited deviation from parental expectations. Subsequently, Korean-American ego identity was found to be significantly influenced by parental adherence to Korean culture. Furthermore, Korean-Americans during adolescence were found to marginalization their Korean culture, due to experiences of discrimination and prejudice from American peers. Depending on the degree of experienced prejudice and discrimination from American peers along with degree of socialization and exposure to other Koreans, Korean-Americans' ethnic identity either proceeded in stages or became fluid, where their ethnic identity changed depending on the environment . / Master of Science

"This slim but important volume is a transitional work, one that attempts to bridge two very different traditions in the anthropological study of indigenous communities. . . . succinct and provocative."—American Indian Quarterly "Many of the ideas expressed are provocative, much of the information is new; the bibliography is extensive."—Arizona Daily Star

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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2015. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: In this research I investigated, with specific references to the three dramas, the ways in which the Coloured and his community were represented in the post-apartheid theatre. I examined identity formation through the theories of Erik Erikson and James Marcia’s identity theories, as well as theories with regards to race and ethnic identity. From these theories I came to the conclusion that the individual identity is a constant process of forming and reforming, especially during the adolescent years. Secondly, I examined group identity. A group is characterised by the nature of the relationships between its members, and also plays an important role in the structuring of the members’ identities. Group identification is a strategy for successfully handling the negative effects that are associated with ethnic minority groups. Other racial groups are usually biased towards the ethnic minority groups because of the stigma by which they are characterised. The Cape Coloureds and the Cape Malays are the two groups that were chosen for examination and discussion, seeing that they are the two largest groups in Cape Town. There is a vast array of factors and subsections that can be chosen for the forming of a Coloured identity. These factors consist of gender, religion, language, style, class, education and appearance. Following on the research and chosen dramas, I formulate three categories, each consisting of its own type of Coloured character. Category one consists of the extreme stereotype: the typical Cape Coloured and Cape Malay. Category two makes space for the middle course: the more comprehensive Cape Coloured and the Indian-Muslim. The last category consists of the other extreme stereotype: the White-Coloured and the Public Malay. Category one and two are used most frequently when representing Coloureds. Category three Coloureds are chosen very seldom. Playwrights, directors and actors often create characters based on preconceived ideas of the Coloured identity. These characteristics seem to be a reduction of an identity that promotes these preconceived ideas. The Apartheid laws that were used to marginalise the Coloureds are still found in these characteristics. As long as these aspects are present in society, they will be displayed on stage. Unfortunately, within post-apartheid theatre, the Coloured and his community are still mostly represented by these stereotypes. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die navorsingsvraag lui soos volg: Met spesifieke verwysing na die gekose dramas, op watter wyse word die Kleurling en sy gemeenskap in die post-apartheid-teater uitgebeeld? Ten einde hierdie vraag te kan beantwoord, moes daar na spesifieke punte gekyk word. Eerstens is daar, met behulp van die identiteitsteorieë van Erik Erikson en James Marcia asook die teorieë rakende rasse- en etniese identiteit, gekyk na wat persoonlike identiteitsvorming behels. Vanuit hierdie teorieë kom ek tot die slotsom dat die individuele identiteit ’n konstante proses is wat gedurig aan die vorm en hervorm is, veral tydens die adolessentejare. Tweedens is daar gekyk na wat groepsidentiteit behels. ’n Groep word gekenmerk deur die aard van die verhoudings tussen sy lede en speel ’n sterk rol in die strukturering van identiteite. Groepsidentifisering is ’n strategie vir die suksesvolle hantering van negatiewe effekte wat verband hou met etniese minderheidsgroepe. Etniese groepe word heel dikwels bevooroordeel as gevolg van die stigma wat saam met die groep gekenmerk word. Die Kaapse Kleurling en die Kaapse Maleier is die twee groepe wat gekies is vir bestudering en bespreking, aangesien dit die twee grootste groepe binne Kaapstad is. Daar is ook aandag gevestig op identiteit soos te sien binne die literatuur en teater. Teater dien as ’n eksterne doel in die bevordering van ’n kulturele identiteit binne ’n onbekende konteks. Dit is ’n transformasieritueel wat die mens in staat stel om betekenis te produseer en te help om ’n wyse van identifikasie te skep. Teater is dié platform waar die mensdom in elke vorm ten toon gestel kan word – ’n ruimte wat verskaf word om die onbekende te konfronteer en dit gevolglik te aanvaar of nie. Daar is verskeie faktore en onderafdelings wat gekies kan word vir die vorming van ’n Kleurling-identiteit. Hierdie faktore bestaan uit die volgende: geslag, godsdiens, taal, styl, klas, opvoeding en voorkoms. Na aanleiding van die navorsing en gekose dramas, word daar drie kategorieë gevorm wat elkeen sy eie tipe Kleurlingkarakter huisves. Kategorie een bestaan uit die uiterste stereotipe: die tipiese Kaapse Kleurling en Kaapse Maleier. Kategorie twee maak plek vir die middeweg: die “lewende” Kaapse Kleurling en Maleise Indiër. Die laaste kategorie is die tuiste vir die ander uiterste, die Wit-Kleurling en die Publieke Maleier. Kategorie een en twee is waaruit die meeste Kleurlinge gekies en verteenwoordig word. Kategorie drie Kleurlinge word uiters selde verteenwoordig. Daar is ook geen melding van ’n Kleurling wat buite die Kaapse Vlakte gebore is en hoe sy lewe ontvou nie. Dramaturge, regisseurs en akteurs skep dikwels Kleurlingkarakters van wie daar vooropgestelde idees bestaan. Hierdie karaktereienskappe blyk ’n reduksie van identiteit te wees wat die vooropgestelde idees bevorder. Die Apartheidswette wat gebruik is om die Kleurling te marginaliseer, se skadu’s word steeds in hierdie karaktereienskappe aangetref. Solank as wat hierdie aspekte nog in die samelewing en gemeenskappe teenwoordig is, sal dit op een of ander manier op die verhoog uitgespeel word. Ongelukkig word die Kleurling en sy gemeenskap nog hoofsaaklik volgens hierdie stereotipes in die post-apartheid-teater verteenwoordig.

Although there have been many studies focusing on Asian Americans’ ethnic identity and the stereotypes associated with them, little is known about how Asian Americans negotiate their multiple layers of ethnic identity and respond to the stereotypes imposed on them. The main goals of the current study were to examine American-Raised Chinese’ (i.e., Chinese who were born and/or raised in America) multiple layers of ethnic identity and their negotiation process of these multiple layers of ethnic identity, the relationship between their ethnic identity and stereotypes, and the creative ways American-Raised Chinese interpreted and responded to stereotypes. Another goal of this study was to examine the role of an ethnic student organization on campus and American-Raised Chinese’s participation in the organization. Through Chinese Cultural Association, I interviewed eighteen informants and observed their daily practices in public and private settings. The findings indicated that American-Raised Chinese undergraduates choosing to participate in an ethnic student organization over other organizations reflected their active negotiation of the multilayered ethnic identity. In addition, by meeting Chinese of different nationalities on campus and abroad, these undergraduates came to realize the diverse background of Chinese individuals, leading them to reexamine and reconstruct their ethnic identity. In particular, these undergraduates developed diasporic Chinese identity that not only acknowledged the diversity of Chinese community in America in terms of nationality, but also transformed their American identity into “ethnic” identity among Chinese of different nationalities. The findings also showed that American-Raised Chinese’ negotiation of their ethnic identity was closely related to their perception of the stereotypes. The informants came to recognize the changing nature of stereotypes and this realization led them to reconstrue their understanding of ethnic identity. Furthermore, using anecdotes of American-Raised Chinese undergraduates’ self impersonation, I argued that these undergraduates proactively responded to the stereotypes by making parody about themselves. Through self impersonation, these undergraduates achieved the double intents of performing themselves as Asian American and simultaneously challenged what the dominant American society expected them to be. / text