In April 1989, four months after a German citizens’ initiative proposed construction of a central memorial to the Jewish victims of the Holocaust, Romani Rose, chair of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma, published a petition demanding inclusion of the Sinti and Roma victims into the same memorial. Any other outcome, he wrote, would indicate a “hierarchy of victims” (die Zeit). The Berlin Wall fell seven months later, transforming the political and spatial dimensions of Germany’s commemorative landscape. So began a new phase of contestation – a national memorial project at its centre – over the so-called uniqueness of the (Jewish) Holocaust, and the moral and political responsibility of the newly reunified German state for genocide committed against Jewish and “other” victim groups. This dissertation draws on an entangled understanding of memory production in order to disentangle the social relations and identities that are mobilized in national memorial projects. I define entangled memory in two ways: (1) it refers to the interlinking of dominant memory and oppositional forms in the public sphere (Popular Memory Group 1998); (2) it is multidirectional in that the subjects and spaces of public memory are defined not only by a competition of victimhood but also as a product of influence and exchange (Rothberg 2009). This framework allows me to argue that the genocide of the Sinti and Roma – historically forgotten victims – is gradually gaining a foothold in the German national imaginary via the dominant status of the memorial to the Jewish victims. In turn, the positioning of the memorial dedicated to Jewish victims has been and continues to be influenced by the commemorative activities of other victim groups. German state legislation in 2009 to link up the memorials dedicated to Jewish, Sinti and Roma as well as homosexual victims – the country’s three national memorials – under one administrative roof is a recent example of an emergent memorial network in the country’s commemorative politics. It is here, I conclude, in the New Berlin’s geographic, symbolic, virtual and cartographic spaces of national memory that we are seeing increasing forms of recognition and integration of historically marginalized groups.

In April 1989, four months after a German citizens’ initiative proposed construction of a central memorial to the Jewish victims of the Holocaust, Romani Rose, chair of the Central Council of German Sinti and Roma, published a petition demanding inclusion of the Sinti and Roma victims into the same memorial. Any other outcome, he wrote, would indicate a “hierarchy of victims” (die Zeit). The Berlin Wall fell seven months later, transforming the political and spatial dimensions of Germany’s commemorative landscape. So began a new phase of contestation – a national memorial project at its centre – over the so-called uniqueness of the (Jewish) Holocaust, and the moral and political responsibility of the newly reunified German state for genocide committed against Jewish and “other” victim groups. This dissertation draws on an entangled understanding of memory production in order to disentangle the social relations and identities that are mobilized in national memorial projects. I define entangled memory in two ways: (1) it refers to the interlinking of dominant memory and oppositional forms in the public sphere (Popular Memory Group 1998); (2) it is multidirectional in that the subjects and spaces of public memory are defined not only by a competition of victimhood but also as a product of influence and exchange (Rothberg 2009). This framework allows me to argue that the genocide of the Sinti and Roma – historically forgotten victims – is gradually gaining a foothold in the German national imaginary via the dominant status of the memorial to the Jewish victims. In turn, the positioning of the memorial dedicated to Jewish victims has been and continues to be influenced by the commemorative activities of other victim groups. German state legislation in 2009 to link up the memorials dedicated to Jewish, Sinti and Roma as well as homosexual victims – the country’s three national memorials – under one administrative roof is a recent example of an emergent memorial network in the country’s commemorative politics. It is here, I conclude, in the New Berlin’s geographic, symbolic, virtual and cartographic spaces of national memory that we are seeing increasing forms of recognition and integration of historically marginalized groups.

This study examines the relations between depressive symptom expression and cultural and family contexts among adolescent females from different ethnic groups. Specifically, ethnic identity, parenting style, family stress and the quality of parent-adolescent relationships were examined as potential protective factors for depressive symptom expression among a diverse group of female adolescents. This study addressed the following research questions: 1) Are there ethnic group differences in depressive symptom expression across Latina, African American and Asian adolescent females? 2) Are there ethnic group differences in the association of family processes with depressive symptom expression across these three ethnic groups? 3) Regardless of ethnic group membership, does ethnic identity moderate the association of family processes with depressive symptoms? The sample consisted of 93 female high school students. Overall, 30% of participants reported depressive symptoms in the moderate to severe range. The results of this study indicate that there are few statistically significant differences in depressive symptom expression across Latina, African American and Asian participants; however, Latina participants consistently reported the highest rates of depressive symptoms. Family stress and authoritative parenting style were significant predictors of depressive symptom expression, such that participants of all ethnicities who reported high levels of depressive symptoms also reported high levels of family stress and low levels of authoritative parenting. No ethnic group differences were found for authoritative parenting, family stress or ethnic identity indicating that these processes were comparable across ethnic groups. These results indicate that family process variables are important predictors of depressive symptoms in adolescent females, which lead to recommendations that adolescent treatment of depressive disorders should include family therapy. In addition, due to the 30% prevalence rate of depression in this study, it is recommended that mental health professionals and school systems collaborate in order to offer outreach programs through local schools. INDEX WORDS: Adolescents, Depression, Ethnic minorities, Authoritative parenting, Family stress, Ethnic identity

The purpose of this study was to investigate the opinions of African American college students as they relate to suicide. A questionnaire was distributed to 92 individuals in a computer classroom setting. Their responses were then analyzed to investigate whether ethnic identity salience influenced the students’ perspectives of suicide. Regression analysis revealed that ethnic identity salience did not influence acceptability and normality of suicide in the African American students. Analysis also demonstrated that ethnic identity salience did not effect whether the African American students viewed suicide as being related to mental or moral illness. Seventeen of those who took the questionnaire also participated in interviews. The interviews allowed the respondents to voice their opinions on suicide in the African American community. Nine key themes were discovered during the interviews. Suggestions for suicide prevention and interventions that are more effective, and the directions for future literature on the subject, are discussed.

The purpose of this paper is to examine how six students who attend a high school relate to their multilingualism and emphasize how their multilingualism has affected their views of themselves and their identity. The fundamental questions were: How do six students who attend a secondary school relate to their multilingualism? How has students' multilingualism affected their views of themselves and their identity? I did use a qualitative research method in terms of interviews to receive answers for my inquiries. Carla Jonsson (2010) speaks inter alia about “the third space” which concerns adolescents creating a “third room”. Almqvist (2006) believes that adolescents that are exposed to discrimination and prejudices can lead to them turning their backs on society in disappointment. Boyd (1985) has, in his thesis, found that multilingual students communicate with the majority language and with their mother tongue with their parents. Sjöqvist & Lindberg (1996) believe that people gain access to other cultures through their multilingualism which leads to new ways of thinking. The result of my investigation showed that the informants were in favor of their multilingualism and they see it as a benefit. The informants have created their own identity by combining their homeland’s language with the majority language. They see themselves as a resource for the society.

This essay has investigated the question of an ongoing language shift from Plattdeutsch and German to Spanish among the Mennonites in Paraguay and the role of the school in this process. The aims of the study were to compare the use of languages among the Mennonites in Asuncion and in the Menno colony and to identify the importance that parents give to the languages and to compare this with a school leader perspective. The aim was also to identify factors that influence the language shift and identify the influence that the shift excerpts on Mennonite values and identity. The results are based on my own observations, interviews with Mennonite women and interviews with key informants who have insight into the school policy issues. The outcome may be used as a basis for educational and language planning. There is a need to consciously sit down and re-define the Mennonite identity and to make the community and the school aware of their responsibility in language maintenance.

This study suggests that the long-term results of ethnic consciousness is a political socialization. But, the political events (The Missile crisis in the Taiwan Strait and Chinese Communists intimidation) caused the Chinese identity declination. Even though it is hard to say totally verify the critical impact of ¡§political incidents,¡¨ this paper has analyzed and found that when Taiwan¡¦s ¡§Chinese identity¡¨ took an apparent drop. The high level of education of the people in the Chinese identity drop faster. The second generation and third generations down faster. At last, the disappearance of first generation Mainland provinces and cities people is not the main reason for the disappearance of Chinese identity. The second generation and third generations change their ¡§Chinese identity¡¨ to ¡§Both of Identity¡¨ and ¡§Taiwanese Identity ¡¨ in twenty years was the most important factor.

In attempting to help the Mexican American adult and elderly population, the relationship between psychological well-being and cultural factors was investigated in this dissertation study. Primarily, the dynamics of acculturation and ethnic identity were considered as measures of cultural adjustment; while, physical, intellectual, emotional, social, and spiritual dimensions were used to measure well-being and mental health in adult and elderly cohorts. In regard to these relationships, the following research questions were addressed: 1) How does psychological well-being in older Mexican Americans relate to acculturation and ethnic identity? 2) Do these three variables interact differently among adult and elderly cohorts? 3) What is the relationship between the variables for this particular sample of Mexican Americans when considering moderating variables of spirituality and religiosity? In addressing the first two questions, multiple regression analyses were used to understand the distribution of the variance in the dependent variable, psychological wellbeing. Although both variables were contributing to the regression weight, neither of the two, acculturation or ethnic identity, were significant predictors of psychological well-being in this sample. In the last question, confirmatory and exploratory structural equation model (SEM) analyses were employed to determine how each of the variables were loading and relating to one another. Only a few of the items selected for these analyses, (i.e., none of the mediating variables, select acculturation items, and select scales on the measure for psychological well-being) were used and found to be significant in the complete model and diagram. Using newly clustered item parcels, the mediating variables of spirituality and religiosity were again analyzed in the (SEM) analysis. While the variable religiosity was dropped from the model diagram, the newly generated spirituality variable was found to be empirically and conceptually significant in the model diagram.

Abstract Election to provide opportunities and pipelines for political participation, related to the development of political system and the implementation of democratic politics, the regime is peaceful, orderly transfer of tools, is also an important democratic process, which is a democratic country to maintain political legitimacy of the main Methods, but also non-democratic countries in transition towards a democratic system of government an important mechanism, and voting is the most popular political participation of citizens, the most common, is also close to the general public most likely a form of participation. The study use the visit information of Taiwan elections and democratization investigation in 2006 that relating to Kaohsiung Mayor election survey data, in order to investigate factors influencing the choice of the voters from the social psychology study ways to survey the Michigan Model in party Identification, candidate evaluation, campaign issues and other variables in the voting model of the importance. Finally, we attempt to identify influencing the choice of Kaohsiung people to vote deciding factor. This study showed that, the five social background of voters (including the gender, age, ethnic group, educational level, families income) and party Identification, candidate evaluation, campaign issues, ethnic identity, these five variables and four intermediate variables were significantly associated. Particularly, the ethnic identity is a very important effect and these four intermediary variables also have very significant influence for choice of the voters voting. Polynomial logistic regression was used to establish the simple and complete model in order to check variables and intermediary variables between the relations of voter choice. In simple model was found that party Identification, the five candidate evaluation and the three campaign issues affect the voters choice definitely, especially the party Identification, the relatively reliable in the candidate evaluation and the remedial for the Love River, the completion of Singuang Ferry Wharf in the campaign issues, but to understand that ethnic identity with regard to the voters intention was not significant affects. In complete model showed that the nine variables (including the age, ethnic group, educational level, families income and the party identification, more ability to work, to understand that the people demand, relatively reliable, the most enthusiastic service to the people, remedial for the Love River, the completion of Singuang Ferry Wharf and the incident of walking fees) affect the voting choice of the voters. In particular, age, party identification, have more ability to work, relatively reliable, remedial for the Love River, the completion of Singuang Ferry Wharf were the most important explanatory variables and have significant relevance to the election with the support of the mayor candidates. Party Identification, candidate evaluation, campaign issues, and the ethnic identity of these four variables is a pretty good model that ability to explain the voting behavior. Key words: Voting choice, Party Identification, Candidate evaluation, Campaign issues, Ethnic identity

Why do some ethnic groups mobilize in violent ways whereas some others mobilize by using peaceful methods? And why do some ethnic groups seek integration while some others pursue separatist goals? This dissertation proposes a theoretical framework to answer these questions. It suggests that a state’s ethnic incorporation policies shape both why (centripetal or centrifugal aims) and how (peaceful or violent methods) ethnic groups mobilize. It argues that (1) consocitionalism recognizes ethnic groups and grants a degree of political autonomy to them, yet limits individuals’ political participation via non-ethnic channels of political participation; and, therefore, it leads to peaceful and moderately centrifugal ethnic mobilizations; (2) liberal multiculturalism recognizes ethnic groups, grants a degree of political autonomy to them, and allows individuals to participate in politics via non-ethnic channels; and, therefore, it leads to peaceful and moderately centripetal mobilizations; (3) civic assimilationism neither recognizes ethnic groups nor grants a degree of political autonomy to them, yet allows individuals to participate in politics via non-ethnic channels; and therefore it leads to peaceful and centripetal mobilizations of groups which lack pre-existing ethnic mobilization; but it leads to moderately violent and centrifugal mobilizations of groups which have strong pre-existing ethnic mobilizations; and (4) ethnocracies neither recognize ethnic groups nor grant a degree of political autonomy to them, and they also limit individuals’ political participation via non-ethnic channels. Therefore, they lead to centrifugal and violent ethnic mobilizations. The dissertation uses a mixed method research design. The hypotheses are tested based on the Minorities at Risk data as well as the case studies of ethnic Turks in Bulgaria and Cyprus, and Kurds and the Roma in Turkey. The case studies benefit from an extensive field research in Bulgaria, Cyprus, and Turkey using original interviews with former and current guerillas, guerilla families, political activists, and politicians from each ethnic group under scrutiny and archival research on newspapers and legal documents. The findings indicate that politics of ethnic accommodation are not only an explanation for the causes of different ethnic mobilization patterns, but also a feasible remedy for ethnic disputes spanning all over the world. / text