One of the most critical moments during any transition is when the executive power of the old regime is transferred to a new government in waiting. This is often characterised by instability and conflict. Hence the Transitional Executive Council (TEC) was established in South Africa to facilitate its gradual and peaceful transition in 1994. The TEC can be seen as a negotiated, temporary and transitional institution that managed and prevented conflict in South Africa prior to the April 1994 general election. Although it existed only for four months, from December 1993 to April 1994, it played a significant role in South Africa's democratic transition. The TEC contributed to levelling the political playing field and creating a climate favourable for free and fair elections. The TEC's seven sub-councils further contributed to the smooth transition and creation of the Government of National Unity. In this study special attention has been given to the Sub-council on Foreign Affairs and its role in integrating South Africa into the international community. The Foreign Affairs sub-council played a pivotal role in laying the foundation for South Africa's membership of the various organizations like the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Commonwealth. In order to gain a deeper understanding of the TEC, several theoretical frameworks are applied to analyse the different perspectives namely: transition theory, conflict resolution, power-sharing and constitutional negotiations. / POLITICAL SCIENCE / MA (INTERNAT POLITICS)

One of the most critical moments during any transition is when the executive power of the old regime is transferred to a new government in waiting. This is often characterised by instability and conflict. Hence the Transitional Executive Council (TEC) was established in South Africa to facilitate its gradual and peaceful transition in 1994. The TEC can be seen as a negotiated, temporary and transitional institution that managed and prevented conflict in South Africa prior to the April 1994 general election. Although it existed only for four months, from December 1993 to April 1994, it played a significant role in South Africa's democratic transition. The TEC contributed to levelling the political playing field and creating a climate favourable for free and fair elections. The TEC's seven sub-councils further contributed to the smooth transition and creation of the Government of National Unity. In this study special attention has been given to the Sub-council on Foreign Affairs and its role in integrating South Africa into the international community. The Foreign Affairs sub-council played a pivotal role in laying the foundation for South Africa's membership of the various organizations like the Organization of African Unity (OAU) and the Commonwealth. In order to gain a deeper understanding of the TEC, several theoretical frameworks are applied to analyse the different perspectives namely: transition theory, conflict resolution, power-sharing and constitutional negotiations. / POLITICAL SCIENCE / MA (INTERNAT POLITICS)

Tsui, Sing Yan Eric. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2008. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 135-145). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1. --- Concern on State-Business Relations / Introduction: Political Debates on State-Business Relations / Theorietical Debates on State-Business Relations / Cipher State Models / Guardian State Models / Partisan State Models / Theories on Hong Kong´ةs Situation / Synarchy and Administrative Absorption / Boundary Politics and Bureaucratic Politics / Overview / Chapter Chapter 2. --- Power and Network / The Problem of Power / Dahl and his Critics / Power and Networks / "Power, Brokerage and Closure" / Centrality and Power / Lessons from Social Capital Studies / Brokerage and Closure as Indicators of Power / Conclusions / Chapter Chapter 3. --- Methodology and Research Design / Concepts of the Study / Data Collection and Research Design / Executive Council as Decision Making Network / Measuring Social Linkages / "Measuring Brokerage, Closure and Power" / Assessing the Business Community / Comparing State and Business Power / Chapter Chapter 4. --- Research Findings / The Network of Executive Councilors / The Network of HSIC firms / HSIC firms´ةs representative in Executive Council / Comparing the Power of the State and Prominent Business / Summary of Findings / Chapter Chapter 5. --- State-Business Relations from 1982 to 1988: On the Edge of Transformations / Findings in the Period / Events in the Period / The Problem of Political Future / Beijing-Business Relations / Localization of the Business Community / Impacts of the Events / Impacts from the role of Sovereigns / Impacts from Localization of the Business Sector / Summary / Chapter Chapter 6. --- State-Business Relations from 1989 to 1996: Transition and Transformations / Findings in the Period / Events in the Period / Changes in British Policy / The Strengthening of Beijing-Business Alliance / Impacts of the Events / The Pushing Effect of London´ةs Policies / The Pulling and Fragmenting Effect by Beijing / Summary / Chapter Chapter 7. --- State Business Relations from 1997 to 2005: From Fragmentation to Disarticulation / Findings in the Period / Events in the Period / Business Invasion and the Decline of the State / Principal Official Accountability System: The Heffalump Trap / Analysis of Findings and Events / Business Sector: A Disunited and Incompetent Ally / Administrative Officers: The Ultimate Survivor / Summary / Chapter Chapter 8. --- Prospects: State-Business Relations in Post-Tung Hong Kong / Dominance of Administrative Officers / Transformations Expected in the Future / Weakening of Bureaucratic Networks / Increasing Public Demands / The Path Towards Democracy / Prepare for the Future / Expansion of Political Appointments / Business Sector and Electoral Politics / State-Business Relations after Political Reform / Chapter Chapter 9. --- Conclusions / Conclusion of the Findings / Significance of the Study / Limitations of the Study / Prospects of Political Network Studies / "Appendix 1. Sociograms of Executive Councilors,1982-2005" / "Appendix 2. Flow Betweenness, Brokerage, Closure and Power Index Score of Executive Councilors,1982-2005" / Appendix 3. Sociograms of Firms with their stocks listed as Hang Seng Index Component / "Appendix 4. Flow Betweenness, Brokerage, Closure and Prominence of HSIC firms" / Appendix 5. Representatives of HSIC firms in Executive Council / Appendix 6. Prominent HSIC firms and their Representatives in Executive Council / "Appendix 7. Social Linkages between Executive Councilors,1982-2005" / Appendix 8. List of directors in the boards of HSIC firms

En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions. / By conceiving of any society as having two dominant cleavages, one ‘social’ and one ‘partisan’, this dissertation develops a theory on institutional change. The initial hypothesis that social groups created by the former will act to restrain institutional change and that change will occur when a partisan group emerges that can cross the social cleavage was tested by processes tracing the changes which were proposed and which occurred to the appointed councils established in British North America. These councils were modified a number of times, becoming second chambers in the provincial legislatures, and were eventually each abolished. The evidence found supports the hypothesis, though it is not sufficient to have a partisan group that can cross the cleavage drive change, a partisan debate over the change was necessary. This also challenges the prevailing theory that social cleavages lead to political party formation, suggesting the benefit of using these two cleavages for the study of institutions.

En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions. / By conceiving of any society as having two dominant cleavages, one ‘social’ and one ‘partisan’, this dissertation develops a theory on institutional change. The initial hypothesis that social groups created by the former will act to restrain institutional change and that change will occur when a partisan group emerges that can cross the social cleavage was tested by processes tracing the changes which were proposed and which occurred to the appointed councils established in British North America. These councils were modified a number of times, becoming second chambers in the provincial legislatures, and were eventually each abolished. The evidence found supports the hypothesis, though it is not sufficient to have a partisan group that can cross the cleavage drive change, a partisan debate over the change was necessary. This also challenges the prevailing theory that social cleavages lead to political party formation, suggesting the benefit of using these two cleavages for the study of institutions.