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No description available.

The diploma thesis "Christian-Buddhist Polemic in Japan in the 17th century" deals mainly with the life and work of Fabian Fucan, one of the most noticeable figures of the early Japanese Christianity. The first part of the thesis is focused on the coming of Christianity to Japan, the mission and the subsequent persecution of Christians which later resulted in the final prohibition of Christianity in the country. The main part of the thesis puts brain to the analysis of two key works of Fabian Fucan - Christian apologetics called Myōtei Mondō and then anti-Christian treatise Ha Daiusu that Fucan wrote after leaving the Society of Jesus and becoming attached back to Buddhism. The final chapter pays attention to the phenomenon of "kakure kirishitan" ("hidden Christians"), i.e. groups of Christians who are the descendants of Christians secretly practicing during the Sakoku (literally, "closed country") period.

The purpose of this paper was to prove that the Fabians were a political pressure group and that Fabian methods were responsible for the enactment of the 1902 Education Act that nationalized education in England. Also that Sidney Webb played far greater and more significant part in the formulation of the actual Bill than did Robert Morant, who is usually credited as the person responsible for the Bill. It seemed to me that it was necessary to trace the evolving educational system in England; therefore, I made the arbitrary decision of beginning with the “Sunday school” which I view as the beginning of "education for all.” It was necessary to select the elements of the social and political affairs that I felt pertained to the subject as I dealt with it. There are situations that have been omitted, and there were times when it was difficult not to digress into areas of lesser significance. Therefore, the paper is divided into two sections: the first section traces the historical pattern of the emergence of education for the common people; the second section is devoted to the active involvement of the Fabians and covers a much shorter span historically. The first part of the paper traces the dual system of education that consisted of the “board” schools, which date from 1870, and the “voluntary” schools. Although the “voluntary” schools are as old as the Christian Church in England, the development of the “voluntary " system for the purpose of this paper, begins at the time of the Wesleyan rift with the Church of England. It was from that time that the voluntary schools developed into “denominational” schools and as a consequence, reflect the power struggle that developed between the landed gentry and the entrepreneurs as a result of industrialization. Throughout the nineteenth century, the ever extending franchise brought with it an increasing demand for change in the educational system in England. The second part of this paper deals with the manner in which the Fabians, as a pressure group, influenced the enactment of the 1902 Education Act. It is my thesis that the basic structure of the act was outlined originally by Sidney Webb and that Fabian Tract No. 106 was the primary model used by the Conservative government in formulating the Bill. Inasmuch as the educational system of England is still in the process of fulfilling the suggestions contained in the Act of 1902, perhaps from an historian's standpoint, it is too early to be definitive concerning the role of the Fabians. Nevertheless, enough material about the Fabians is available to prove their influence in securing the enactment of the Bill. Much more work needs to be done on the Fabians. They were a remarkable group of men and women whose impact in my judgment, is far greater than we are able, at present, to measure. Party politics are of recent origin and the Fabians belong to what some political scientists have termed the “third house” in the legislative process. The Fabians are a pressure group and the activity they carried on in regard to the Education Act, in my view, was a form of lobbying. It is from this viewpoint that I have dealt with the Fabians in this paper.

The present study is a political biography in the broad sense of Julius Karambage Nyerere. The main perspective has been his significance for nation-building in Tanzania. The dissertation is chronologically ordered after his life and restricted to the period 1922-1977. Five themes discussed in modern scholarship on nationalism and which are considered relevant to the study of African nationalism are treated: The origin and globalization of nationalism. From the perspective of the process of global nation-building, Nyerere's activities as nationalist leader in Tanzania are discussed, which contrary to his own wishes only embraced the former colonies Tanganyika and Zanzibar. Constructivism versus realism. Here it is shown that nationalism in Africa largely followed the colonial borders and were thus constructions without any connection to historically-relevant ethnic or cultural borders. The relationship between nationalism and modernity. The fundamental problematic in Nyerere's modernizing ambitions, i.e. to unite individual and collective interests in an harmonic interplay in the name of development, is treated. Strategies for nationalizing a populace. Here, the evolution of Nyerere's social vision - ujamaa or familyhood, is described. From the central idea of Tanzanian nationalism - development - the nationalists' construction of traditional African society would unite with modern society, in accordance with the basic ideas of African socialism. The significance of an elite for nation-building. In common with nationalism's development in Europe, African nationalism was led by elites. The transformation from "Black European" to "African Personality" went via education, primarily provided by Christian missionaries in Africa. Nyerere's education familiarized him with British colonialism, nationalism and cultural heritage as well as the British School of Social Anthropology, Catholic social teachings and communitarianism. The study shows that Nyerere's political thought was influenced by Fabian socialism, Catholic social teaching, communitarianism and political thinkers like Henry George, G.D.H. Cole, R.H. Tawney and Arthur W. Lewis. Nyerere realized his political ideas first as leader of the nationalist movement Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) and after independence in 1961 as president up until 1985. He was called the "father of the nation" and ruled in his charismatic role as mwalimu, teacher. / digitalisering@umu

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Narratives of extinction surrounding “primitive” peoples have long been a subject of historical study. There is however a gap with regards to researching the response of the so called “primitive” peoples themselves. Therefore, the purpose of this essay is to examine the way in which the Sámi magazine Samefolkets egen tidning during the years 1918-1945 navigates the model of cultural hierarchy which defines the Sámi as a primitive people heading towards extinction. Drawing upon the theories of Johannes Fabian and Walter Mignolo the study finds that the magazine appropriates the model of cultural hierarchy by asserting the Sámi people not as a people of nature but as a people of culture capable of moving upwards in the hierarchy. The model of cultural hierarchy interacts with the strategies of the magazine in several ways. It is used to re-establish the coevalness of the Sámi as well as performatively developing Sámi identity through a self-proclaimed project of enlightenment. It also counters the narratives of extinction by stressing the unique cultural contribution of the Sámi to world history as well as using racial biology to scientifically disprove the supposed weakness of the Sámi. The use of racial biology is also a way of partaking in scientific language thus demonstrating the intellectual and cultural capabilities of the Sámi. The use of the model of cultural hierarchy also results in the magazine reproducing the idea of the primitive savage as well as adapting a paternalistic stance towards the “unenlightened” Sámi. In sum, the magazine tries to establish the Sámi as equals, politically and culturally, to the Swedes. Living together in the same place and, most importantly, in the same time. / Populärvetenskaplig sammanfattning: Forskning om historiska diskussioner kring att naturfolk är dömda till undergång har länge gjorts på förtjänstfulla sätt. Det är dock ovanligt att studera hur de så kallade naturfolken uppfattar utsagorna om sin egen undergång. Ett av de folk som åsyftades av dessa utsagor var samerna. Syftet med denna uppsats är därför att undersöka hur Samefolkets egen tidning mellan 1918-1945 förhåller sig till dessa utsagor och till tanken om kulturella hierarkier överlag. Uppsatsen visar att tidningen inte väljer att utmana själva idén om kulturella hierarkier. Istället etablerar tidningen en egen tolkning av kulturell hierarki där alla världens folk har möjlighet att utvecklas och bidra till mänsklighetens kulturella utveckling. Denna övergripande förståelse används sedan för att förklara hur tidningen försöker bevisa att samer inte är ”frusna i tiden” utan att de är samtida och jämlika med svenskarna. Detta reflekteras också i att tidningen bedriver ett upplysningsarbete som ska bidra till samernas andliga fortskridande. Tidningen använder sig även av rasbiologi för att via den tidens vetenskap bevisa att samer inte är rasmässigt svaga. Detta tolkas också som ett sätt att använda ett vetenskapligt och legitimt språk vilket är tänkt att ge tidningens argument ökad tyngd för svenska öron. Allt detta innebär även att själva föreställningarna om primitiva och vilda naturfolk inte utmanas, dessa reproduceras av tidningen. Likaså vissa paternalistiska inställningar mot ”oupplysta samer”. Uppsatsen belyser således hur tidningen försöker etablera samerna som kulturellt och politiska jämlika svenskarna, som levandes på samma plats och i samma tid.

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Finally in the 1880’s there emerged a reformist group which was ultimately to be the model of the viability, adaptability, effectiveness, and success of evolutionary socialism. The group called itself the Fabian Society and in the beginning it seemed to be not unlike other protest or reformist groups which were springing up all over England at the time. The difference was that this group, though always small in numbers, was to have a tremendous impact throughout England and the rest of the democratic world. To be specific, the ideas of the Fabian Socialists can clearly be seen as influencing the movement toward the welfare state in America and this is the main thesis this paper aims to prove - that the ideas and programs of the Fabian Socialists were first implemented in Britain and later in the United State, particularly since the advent of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and his New Deal. It is the author’s contention that these ideas and programs of the Fabians are comparable to a developing movement in the United States toward the welfare state or as others would term it, the good society. This, then, is what the writer seeks to prove.