This thesis is an ethnography of Palestinian political factions in Lebanon through an immersion in the daily life of homes. It explores the nature of factions and faction membership from the vantage point of those who form their very basis. It asks how did Palestinian political factions, which are clearly made of people, come to be seen as autonomous bodies that are studied as a whole and spoken of in the singular (‘Fatah did this’ and ‘Hamas declared that’). Through a detailed account of the everyday practices of Palestinian refugees I problematise the underlying conceptualization of factions in the academic literature as bounded structures defined by their respective ideologies. I explore how factions appear in the daily life of Palestinian refugees in Lebanon; how Palestinians join factions; how their relationship evolves over time; how they demand, and at times obtain, aid; how and whether they participate in events organized by factions; and how factionalism affects their understandings of what factions are. This ethnographic approach reveals that what binds Palestinian refugees to factions is not the ideology or regional or international alliances of the factions. For example, young Palestinians do not join a faction based on whether it is Islamic, Marxist, or nationalist; rather they do so based on where they have friends or family, and sometimes depending on which faction has the closest youth centre to their home. In fact, it is those personal relationships, including those developed with other faction members that keep Palestinians affiliated to factions. Factions appear as a loose network of people held together by different degrees of trust and cohesion. Yet my work does not dismiss the fact that factions also appear as structures, as coherent entities. On the contrary, in the second part of this thesis, I trace another set of practices, that of aid distribution, criticism, physical representation, and factionalism, to show how factions metamorphose from loose networks based on interpersonal relations into impersonal structures defined by ideology. An examination of the everyday practices and representations of Palestinian political factions reveals how those structures come into being, how that operation creates and maintains a certain configuration of power in Palestinian society, and how factions remain the center of political life in the face of widespread condemnation.

O advento da globalização, a adoção de novos mecanismos de mercado, a formação de blocos regionais de comércio tem provocado inúmeras reestruturações socioeconômicas e consequentemente, obrigado pensadores, políticos ou não, a buscarem alternativas de intervenções públicas e privadas em espaços regionais visando o desenvolvimento local. Nesse contexto, o presente estudo buscou identificar quais as contribuições das pequenas indústrias de costura instaladas no município de Bandeira do Sul, frente à proposta de desenvolvimento local. Por ser uma cidade de pequeno porte, tipicamente agrícola, a existência de dez facções industriais de costura em atividade, chamou a atenção e despertou o interesse em identificar os impactos dessa atividade na localidade. Optou-se por realizar um estudo de caso, com características qualitativas, referente à sua natureza. Quanto ao seu fim, foi um estudo exploratório, composto de pesquisas documentais, entrevistas e aplicação de questionários. As análises foram feitas com base no discurso dos entrevistados, por meio da Soft Systems Methodology (SSM), garantindo a profundidade e a visão sistêmica necessária aos estudos qualitativos. Segundo os empreendedores, o poder público e a sociedade local, as facções industriais de costura têm papel significativo no município, gerando renda e trabalho a uma importante parcela da população. No entanto, a pesquisa revelou ser necessário, num primeiro momento, o esclarecimento de conceitos sobre desenvolvimento e sustentabilidade, para que, em uma segunda etapa, se viabilize práticas em prol do desenvolvimento local integrado e sustentável. / With the arrival of globalization, the implementation of new marketing mechanisms, the formation of regional commercial blocks has generated much socioeconomic restructuring and consequently led thinkers, whether political or otherwise, to pursue alternative public and private interventions in regional areas in order to achieve local development. In this context, the objective of this study was to identify how the small industrial sewing factions in Bandeira do Sul could contribute to the local development. Since Bandeira do Sul is a small rural town, with an agricultural based economy, the existence of ten active industrial factories that provide sewing services drew attention and aroused interest in identifying the impacts of this activity on the township. The chosen method was a case study with qualitative characteristics regarding its nature. The purpose was exploratory, composed of documented research, in-depth interviews and application of questionnaires. The analyses were done based on the data gathered from the interviews, by way of Soft Systems Methodology (SSM), assuring the required systemic depth and vision necessary for the qualitative studies. According to the entrepreneurs, the local legislative officers and the general society, the sewing factories play a significant role in the township, generating income and jobs to an important portion of the population. However the research revealed the necessity first of all, to clarify the concepts regarding development and sustainability, in order to secondly implement viable practices to drive an integrated and sustainable local development.

Magister Commercii - Mcom (Political Studies) / This thesis focuses on the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) of South Africa between 1998 and 2017, by looking at whether it acts as an independent institution and if it strengthens the quality of democracy in the country. The research addresses various sub-research questions such as, what is independence? What is a quality democracy? Is the NPA able to foster democratic accountability? It further assesses to which extent executive influence and leadership instability affect the independence of the NPA, by looking at the relationship between the executive – the state Presidents’ and government officials – and the NPA, over the years, in terms of the law practiced. And lastly, whether the role of ANC has affected the NPA. These questions arise out of my interest to understand the NPA in terms of its constitutional mandate and how it impacts democracy. The principal concepts used to date indicates that democracy comprises several procedural norms. These democratic norms – accountability, the constraint of executive power, the separation of powers, and the rule of law form the bases for my research study; while other integral factors include independence, state capture, and dominant party systems. The research methodology for this thesis incorporated qualitative research, a case study, and triangulation. The research also included interviews, with Advocate Shaun Abrahams, Dr Silas Ramaite, Advocate Vusi Pikoli, Advocate Glynnis Breytenbach, Mr Steven Swart, Mr Lawson Naidoo, Mr Paul Hoffman, Dr Jeff Rudin, Professor Lukas Muntingh, Professor Lovell Fernandez, Mr Gareth Newham, and Advocate Mike Pothier as the interviewees. The data analysis and synthesis suggest that the lack of oversight of the NPA alongside the political dominance of the ANC has allowed for an infiltration of political influence within the institution resulting in the selective prosecution of high-profile cases. The data highlights the blurring of lines as a result of state capture which has tainted the NPA’s independence. The importance of this research study lies in the relationship of the NPA and democracy, as an erosion of the NPA essentially correlates with the weakening of democracy. Therefore it is vital to protect our independent institutions, like the NPA, as they strengthen our democracy, assist in upholding the rule of law and the Constitution.

Magister Artium - MA / This thesis focuses on the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) of South Africa between 1998 and 2017, by looking at whether it acts as an independent institution and if it strengthens the quality of democracy in the country. The research addresses various sub-research questions such as, what is independence? What is a quality democracy? Is the NPA able to foster democratic accountability? It further assesses to which extent executive influence and leadership instability affect the independence of the NPA, by looking at the relationship between the executive – the state Presidents’ and government officials – and the NPA, over the years, in terms of the law practiced. And lastly, whether the role of ANC has affected the NPA. These questions arise out of my interest to understand the NPA in terms of its constitutional mandate and how it impacts democracy. The principal concepts used to date indicates that democracy comprises several procedural norms. These democratic norms – accountability, the constraint of executive power, the separation of powers, and the rule of law form the bases for my research study; while other integral factors include independence, state capture, and dominant party systems. The research methodology for this thesis incorporated qualitative research, a case study, and triangulation. The research also included interviews, with Advocate Shaun Abrahams, Dr Silas Ramaite, Advocate Vusi Pikoli, Advocate Glynnis Breytenbach, Mr Steven Swart, Mr Lawson Naidoo, Mr Paul Hoffman, Dr Jeff Rudin, Professor Lukas Muntingh, Professor Lovell Fernandez, Mr Gareth Newham, and Advocate Mike Pothier as the interviewees. The data analysis and synthesis suggest that the lack of oversight of the NPA alongside the political dominance of the ANC has allowed for an infiltration of political influence within the institution resulting in the selective prosecution of high-profile cases. The data highlights the blurring of lines as a result of state capture which has tainted the NPA’s independence. The importance of this research study lies in the relationship of the NPA and democracy, as an erosion of the NPA essentially correlates with the weakening of democracy. Therefore it is vital to protect our independent institutions, like the NPA, as they strengthen our democracy, assist in upholding the rule of law and the Constitution.

Title of Thesis¡GThe Effect of Taiwan Local Factions on Local Election¡XA Case Study on Fongsan City in Kaohsiung County Department¡GIn-service Master Program, Institute of Interdisciplinary Studies for Social Sciences, National Sun Yat-Sen University Professor¡GDr. Chang, Tao-Yi Graduate Student¡GWu, Chu-Hui Key words¡Glocal factions, election, change of ruling parties, political domain, patronage-clientelism, multiple-party trend Election is a symbol of universal value of democratization. The birth of local factions in Taiwan is closely related to election. Ever since the move to Taiwan, the government of National Party (Kuomintang), with the intention to solidify its political power, took the united and monopolized economic interests in different districts as the conditions to exchange for local powers or the devotion of political loyalty from the leaders of different ideas. For a long time these people with actual local power have been training a lot of ¡§pile legs¡¨ and loyal supporters. With the help of them, a gigantic social relationship network is established. After that, through elections, they enter the local governments of different townships in various counties and cities, or step on the stage of the parliament, thus forming influential political power. The basic function of local factions is exerted on election. In the process of election, local factions play a pushing role in the political participation, and monopolize the local political and social resources. Nevertheless, after local factions have gone through the change of ruling parties and the rearrangement of political domains in the year 2000, whether the patronage-clientelism has any subtle changes subsequently caused is worthy of making in-depth observation. Kaohsiung County is a place of origin for democratization of Taiwan, and Fongshan City is a major township with political and economic influences in Kaohsiung County. With the change of ruling parties and under the impacts of financial reforms, the thesis mainly investigates the past and current situations of local factions in Fongshan City, and expects to further clarify whether factions will develop towards the multiple-party trend.

This paper examines contemporary American politics through the lens of The Federalist Papers, focusing on two specific issues: factionalism as addressed in Federalist Papers 9-10 and taxation, the subject of Federalist Papers 30-36.

In August, 2004, the Legislative Yuan in Taiwan passed landmark constitutional amendment proposals to cut the number of legislative seats in half, and adopt a "single-district, two-vote" system. In May, 2005, the parliamentary electorate system in Taiwan was officially changed from a single-nontransferable voting system (SNTV) to a single-member district parallel voting system. The new voting system was introduced in January, 2008. Under SNTV, the seats won in Kaohsiung County¡¥s legislator election were in proportion to the two political parties. However, the result of the first election after the electorate system changed showed a landslide victory of the KMT (Kuomingtang). The DPP (Democratic Progressive Party) should not have suffered such defeat in the election with the strength and power that their political factions have in Kaohsiung County. Many factors are for certain involved in winning or losing an election, and the focus of this thesis will be on the changes of political factions and how they can influent vote results. Under SNTV, the most influential and powerful political factions in Kaohsiung County were the Red Party, the White Party, and the Black Party. Under the new electoral system, however, as only one candidate will be elected, the political factions, as well as the candidates, have started changing their ways of thinking in terms of whom they should support. The candidates have been paying much more attention to the local political factions. Taking their own interests into consideration, the local political factions have also changed the way they intend to manipulate the vote results. The awakening of the local political factions indirectly made impacts on the result of the Seventh legislator election. In the future, the results of various elections may very well be influenced by the changes of the local political factions. To gain a clearer view of the changes of Kaohsiung County¡¥s political factions under the new voting system, the thesis will first describe the similarities and differences between SNTV and single-member district parallel voting system. It will then discuss the formation and development of Taiwan and Kaohsiung County¡¥s local political factions. The different electoral tactics of the KMT and the DPP under the two voting systems will then be analyzed, following by the examination of the voting results.

The objective of this thesis is to analyze the Khatami Period of 1997-2005 in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The Reform Movement that brought Khatami to the presidency and the grounds of the incongruity between the discourse and the outcomes of the movement is examined. The reasons of this incongruity are the focus of this study. The structure of the thesis is as follows: In the first chapter, a brief summary of the history of democracy in Iran is examined, since in Iran without a historical perspective, it is hard to understand the developments of the era. In the second chapter, the state structure and political factions in the Islamic Republic of Iran are described by emphasizing the power centers and struggle between them. The third chapter explains, the social origins and the discourse of the reform movement. Lastly, in the fourth chapter, the Khatami period of 1997-2005 is analyzed. The period is studied in terms of power conflicts among the ruling elites and its reflection on the everyday life of the layman. Economic developments and street politics of the era are also examined in this chapter. International developments of the era are also studied with respect to their impacts on domestic politics.

What defines demagogues and what sort of threat do they pose to democracy? Contemporary politics has recently witnessed a rise in demagogic leaders around the globe. Following this trend, many notable scholars have sought to better define the ancient term and to provide politics with advice on how to handle them. However, demagogy is hard to define, and research is divided over what truly makes for a demagogue. Scholars tend to either focus on the intention, the tools, or the effects of leaders to categorize demagogy. While they might disagree over which aspect of demagogy is most salient, they are more unanimous in their claims regarding the threat that demagogy poses to democracy. Before we outright condemn demagogy, I argue that we should better understand the phenomenon and its relationship to democracy. This dissertation turns to Machiavelli and Aristotle in order to better grasp and better define the phenomenon of demagogy. I first build a concept of demagogy through Aristotle's Politics and then use that concept to detect a similar phenomenon within the work of Machiavelli. In many ways Aristotle and Machiavelli affirm the claims of contemporary scholars, especially regarding the threat that demagogy poses to democracy. According to both thinkers, demagogy involves the use of factions, class enmities, and the corruption of law. Possibly more troubling, both show how the methods of demagogy remain an ever-present possibility to democratic rule. Nevertheless, Aristotle and Machiavelli disagree with contemporary scholarship on how to address the problem of demagogy. Rather than seek out ways to constrain the demagogue, the two philosophers dedicate themselves to providing an education to demagogues. Even more surprisingly, this dissertation argues that both have covertly tried to persuade others to adopt the methods of demagogy for the sake of better preserving democracy and perhaps even to improve upon it.

O advento da globalização, a adoção de novos mecanismos de mercado, a formação de blocos regionais de comércio tem provocado inúmeras reestruturações socioeconômicas e consequentemente, obrigado pensadores, políticos ou não, a buscarem alternativas de intervenções públicas e privadas em espaços regionais visando o desenvolvimento local. Nesse contexto, o presente estudo buscou identificar quais as contribuições das pequenas indústrias de costura instaladas no município de Bandeira do Sul, frente à proposta de desenvolvimento local. Por ser uma cidade de pequeno porte, tipicamente agrícola, a existência de dez facções industriais de costura em atividade, chamou a atenção e despertou o interesse em identificar os impactos dessa atividade na localidade. Optou-se por realizar um estudo de caso, com características qualitativas, referente à sua natureza. Quanto ao seu fim, foi um estudo exploratório, composto de pesquisas documentais, entrevistas e aplicação de questionários. As análises foram feitas com base no discurso dos entrevistados, por meio da Soft Systems Methodology (SSM), garantindo a profundidade e a visão sistêmica necessária aos estudos qualitativos. Segundo os empreendedores, o poder público e a sociedade local, as facções industriais de costura têm papel significativo no município, gerando renda e trabalho a uma importante parcela da população. No entanto, a pesquisa revelou ser necessário, num primeiro momento, o esclarecimento de conceitos sobre desenvolvimento e sustentabilidade, para que, em uma segunda etapa, se viabilize práticas em prol do desenvolvimento local integrado e sustentável. / With the arrival of globalization, the implementation of new marketing mechanisms, the formation of regional commercial blocks has generated much socioeconomic restructuring and consequently led thinkers, whether political or otherwise, to pursue alternative public and private interventions in regional areas in order to achieve local development. In this context, the objective of this study was to identify how the small industrial sewing factions in Bandeira do Sul could contribute to the local development. Since Bandeira do Sul is a small rural town, with an agricultural based economy, the existence of ten active industrial factories that provide sewing services drew attention and aroused interest in identifying the impacts of this activity on the township. The chosen method was a case study with qualitative characteristics regarding its nature. The purpose was exploratory, composed of documented research, in-depth interviews and application of questionnaires. The analyses were done based on the data gathered from the interviews, by way of Soft Systems Methodology (SSM), assuring the required systemic depth and vision necessary for the qualitative studies. According to the entrepreneurs, the local legislative officers and the general society, the sewing factories play a significant role in the township, generating income and jobs to an important portion of the population. However the research revealed the necessity first of all, to clarify the concepts regarding development and sustainability, in order to secondly implement viable practices to drive an integrated and sustainable local development.