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The Global ETD Search service is a free service for researchers
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Showing 31 to 40 of 40 (0.049 seconds)| 31 |
Krize ČSSD v letech 2013-2018 / The CSSD crisis in 2013-2018Kusbach, Ondřej January 2020 (has links)
In the past, the Czech social democratic party was one of the most successful political formations in the Czech Republic, however, since 2013 the party is dealing with a loss of electoral support and will face the challenge of staying in the Chamber of Deputies in the upcoming years. This diploma thesis is focused on the course of events in the party during the years 2013-2018 and examines the causes of why did a party, which used to get 30% of votes and used to dominate the regional political level, got into both electoral and intra-party crisis. The first chapter of the thesis describes four main theoretical concepts, which are used for analysis of the party processes. Subsequently, the thesis is divided into two analytical chapters. The first one concerns the events, which the party went through during the selected five year period. Its content is a factual description, which is accompanied by a closer look on intra-party disputes and on the development of party electoral support. Intra-party disputes are analyzed from a media point of view with an emphasis on how the media reflected them, and the development of party electoral support is analyzed within the framework of selected time periods with regard to the impact of intra-party disputes. The second analytical chapter addresses selected...
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Frakce euroskeptických politických stran v Evropském parlamentu: konstituce, podoba, politická činnost a změny v kontextu voleb do Evropského parlamentu 2019 / Eurosceptic Political Parties Faction in the European Parliament: constitution, form, political activity and changes in the context of the European Parliament elections 2019Doležal, Tomáš January 2021 (has links)
The thesis deals in the theoretical part with a presentation and comparison of views of political science on party-political euroscepticism, including a description of the development of the form of eurosceptic factions in the European Parliament after 2014 and political subjects associated in them. Practical part presents, analyzes and interprets the voting of these political entities in the election periods 2014-2019 and 2019-2024, especially in terms of their coherence within individual factions. Both in general (overall average coherence) and by individual thematic agendas. In its outputs, the work tries, based on the obtained data, to answer the question, what are the dominant common ideological characteristics of the eurosceptic political parties represented in the European Parliament and whether they form, or can form, a separate so-called party-political family. Keywords: Euroscepticism, European Union, European Parliament, factions, political parties, populism, elections Title: Eurosceptic Political Parties Factions in the European Parliament: constitution, form, political activity and changes in the context of the European Parliament elections 2019
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向下紮根：中國國民黨與臺灣地方政治的發展（1949-1960）任育德, Jen,Yu-Te Unknown Date (has links)
本研究涉及之課題是處理1949至1960年間國民黨黨國體制之建構，國民黨臺灣黨務之發展，國民黨與地方派系的互動，國民黨與在野精英的互動等四個面向。
第一章以一九四○年代後期之臺灣政局為主，實為本研究之前置背景，論及臺灣精英從日本殖民統治時期起，至中華民國政府接收後的政治參與活動，以及國民黨在臺灣地區初期的黨務發展。
第二章處理中國國民黨改造與黨國體制建構。首先處理的是中華民國政府遷台前後的政情，將從臺灣外部與內部的政治情勢，討論美國對台政策的轉變，與政府在臺灣實行地方自治政策之決策過程。後以改造中國國民黨為主題，針對遷台的中國國民黨發展進行背景敘述，指出改造是在黨領袖意志下進行，與在改造後黨權成功歸於黨領袖所有，不再旁落；再探討中國國民黨的地方基礎在1950年代之重組，分從黨基層結構的設計、臺灣省黨部的人事遞遷、省縣市黨部的組織編制、地方黨部的經費預算四層面進行探討；再則探討中國國民黨所實施的社會調查，發現國民黨透過社會調查來瞭解臺灣社會，提高國民黨員的政治意識，並進行政策回饋功能。它對黨國體制的建構確實具有正面助益。
第三章處理的是黨國體制下的臺灣地方政治。首先討論的是1950年代地方自治法制變遷，及地方黨政制度的運作。其次處理中國國民黨動員機制的建構。首先注意的是中國國民黨的黨員結構。儘管本省人黨員在區域黨部中佔多數，總體結構與黨幹部仍以外省人為多。國民黨開始紮根臺灣，便需要各種機構以深入地方社會。國民黨便透過既有團體—農會，並組設新的動員組織—民眾服務站對地方社會進行滲透與動員。第三，地方精英既然透過選舉進入體制，其中特別是所謂「半山」與「阿海」兩種不同經歷的臺灣人所進行的政治角力，臺灣地方派系與選舉的關聯等都是探討主題。而後從中國國民黨所建立的黨內提名制度及其運作，與中國國民黨所主控的輔選機制的形成及運作過程，可檢證並修正既往針對國民黨與地方派系的互動之相關解釋論點。
第四章處理的是朝野互動下的地方政治。先分兩方面觀察在野精英的參政問題：青年黨與民社黨的黨務發展，及無黨籍人士。其次在野人士對於公平競爭的訴求，顯示於反對「一人競選現象」，選舉監察問題兩大主題。在野人士由於無法獲取國民黨進一步回應，決定以組黨從事政治競爭。對在野精英而言，組黨是化解社會分歧、從事政治公平競爭的解決方式；國民黨對組黨運動如何動用國家情治機構、媒體與黨機器解決1950年以來的首次內部危機，也在討論之列。 / This study explores four topics: construction of KMT party-state system, developments of KMT in Taiwan, interactions between KMT and local factions, interactions between KMT and opposition elites from 1949 to 1960.
It deals with Taiwan politics during the later phase of 1940s in Chapter 1, including Taiwanese elites’ political participations from Japanese colonial rule to ROC takeover, and premiere stage of KMT developments in Taiwan.
It explores reconstruction of KMT and building of party-state system in Chapter 2. Changes of US policy to Taiwan, and decision-making process of Taiwan Province autonomy are main courses in political situations after ROC regime’s retreat in 1949. About KMT reconstruction process, this study first deals with reconstruction under tsung-tsai (supreme leader of KMT), and party decision power only belongs to tsung-tsai. Then it explores designs of party base formation, cadres change of Taiwan Province Party Bureau, organizations and fiscal budgets of party bureaus, and how they exercise to reorganize KMT’s local support during 1950s. Then it focuses on “social investigations” which are implemented by KMT. KMT use them to understand Taiwanese society, raise political consciousness of party members, and policies feedback. At last, “Social investigations” are also positive to building of party-state system.
It explores Taiwan’s local politics in party-state system in Chapter 3. First, not only changes of autonomy law system, workings of local party and administration system need to be dealt with. Second, when we focus on KMT mobilization system construction, we should notice some facts that Taiwanese party members becomes main sector in local party organizations, mainlanders are still in majority on party cadres and whole party. They can be stated that KMT begins to taking roots in Taiwan. KMT needs more apparatus to mobilize and penetrate Taiwanese society. Using established Farmer Association, organizing brand new system -- “Public Service Stations” meet such needs. Third, because local elections became ladder participating regime for Taiwanese elites, we should notice that political struggles between “ban-shan” and “a-hai”, and connections between local factions and elections. Not only the building of KMT nomination system, but also campaign task system which was controlled by KMT and how they work need to be explored. During such processes, established frameworks about interactions between KMT and local factions can be reconsidered and exemplified.
It explores local politics between KMT and its opposition powers in Chapter 4. First, Political participations of opposition elites can be surveyed in developments of CYP and DSP, and independents. Second, Opposition elites call for fair campaigns by against “non-competitive election”, and supervising campaigns. No further response from KMT, which makes opposition elites calling for organizing opposition party. To them, organizing opposition party is best way to ease social divergence, and to solve KMT’s manipulations in local elections. This study also focuses on how KMT uses intelligence apparatus of state, media and party apparatus to solve its first inner crisis since 1950.
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Jacksonian Democracy and the Electoral College: Politics and Reform in the Method of Selecting Presidential Electors, 1824-1833Thomason, Lisa 05 1900 (has links)
The Electoral College and Jacksonian Democracy are two subjects that have been studied extensively. Taken together, however, little has been written on how the method of choosing presidential electors during the Age of Jackson changed. Although many historians have written on the development of political parties and the increase in voter participation during this time, none have focused on how politicians sought to use the method of selecting electors to further party development in the country. Between 1824 and 1832 twelve states changed their methods of choosing electors. In almost every case, the reason for changing methods was largely political but was promoted in terms of advancing democracy. A careful study of the movement toward selecting electors on a general ticket shows that political considerations in terms of party and/or state power were much more important than promoting democratic ideals. Despite the presence of a few true reformers who consistently pushed for a constitutional amendment guaranteeing that all states used the same method, the conclusion must be that politics and party demanded a change. This study relies heavily on legislative records at both the state and national level and newspapers throughout t the country from the period. Beginning with a brief history of the office of the president and an overview of the presidential elections prior to 1824, the author then carefully analyzes the elections of 1824, 1828, and 1832, as well as the various efforts to amend the constitutional provisions dealing with the Electoral College. Particular emphasis is placed on political factions at the state level, the development of the Democratic and National Republican parties nationally, and how each party used and at time manipulated the electoral process to secure a favorable outcome for their candidates.
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« Pour lui aider à soustenir son estat » : alliances, fiefs, réseaux, clientèles et partis dans l’ancienne noblesse d’Île-de-France de Philippe Auguste à Charles VII (1180-1437) / « Pour lui aider à soustenir son estat » : marriages, fiefs, networks, clientelism and factions in the former nobility of the Île-de-France region from Philippe Auguste to Charles VII (1180-1437)Nabias, Laurent 14 October 2016 (has links)
Cette thèse consiste dans l’étude des stratégies de résistance et d’adaptation de topolignages constitués de successions de lignages de l’ancienne noblesse francilienne sur des mêmes centres de pouvoir seigneuriaux, face à la soi-disant crise nobiliaire des XIVe et XVe siècles. Il s’agit de montrer que le concept de crise nobiliaire ne doit pas être appliqué à l’ensemble de la noblesse francilienne, puisque certains topolignages anciens traversent la période sans dommage. L’enquête recense et interroge les moyens et ressources utilisés par ces anciens nobles qui survivent. Les alliances et les stratégies matrimoniales afférentes sont abordées. L’organisation de la continuité de l’exploitation de leurs fiefs est examinée, montrant des signes de crispation et de réactivation du système féodal en réaction aux difficultés économiques liées à la guerre de Cent Ans. Une base de données prosopographiques est présentée, et une typologie de relations individuelles est proposée pour nourrir ensuite une méthodologie d’analyse de réseaux des parentés, de réseaux d’affiliations aux institutions royales ou princières, ou d’appartenance à des clientèles ou de partis. Comment ces anciens nobles ont-ils profité des clientèles mises en place par les Princes ? Comment ont-ils pris part aux différents partis qui se sont opposés pendant la guerre de Cent Ans ? Enfin, la culture de la noblesse est étudiée à travers sa participation à la vie curiale des Grands, à ses marques de dévotion et à ses relations avec ses ancêtres. Le sentiment d’appartenance de l’ancienne noblesse francilienne à un même groupe fier de ses origines n’a-t-il pas finalement été la principale raison de leur subsistance ? / This thesis consists in the study of the strategies of resistance and adaptation of topographic lineages made up by successions of chalk-linings of the former nobility from the Île-de-France region on same seigniorial centers of power, facing the so-called crisis peerage-book of 14th and 15th centuries. It is a question of showing that the concept of crisis peerage-book should not be applied to the whole of the nobility from the Île-de-France region, since some topographic lineages old cross the period without damage. The investigation counts and questions the means and resources used by these old noble which survive. The related alliances and matrimonial strategies are approached. The organization of the continuity of the exploitation of their strongholds is examined, showing signs of crispation and reactivation of the feudal system in reaction to the economic difficulties related to the Hundred Year War. A prosopographical database is presented and a typology of individual relations is proposed to then nourish a methodology of network analysis of the relationships, networks of affiliations at the royal princely institutions, or of membership of customers or parties. How did these old noble benefit from the clients installation by the Princes? How did they take part in the various parties which were opposed during the Hundred Year War? Lastly, the culture of the nobility is studied through its participation in the life curiale the Largeones, its brands of devotion and its relations with its ancestors. Wasn't the feeling of appartenance of the former nobility from the Île-de-France region to the same proud group of its origins finally the main reason of their subsistence?
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伊朗最高宗教領袖與核能政策 演變關係之探討：2009年到2015年 / The linkage of Iranian supreme leader and the evolution of nuclear policy: 2009-2015王宣文 Unknown Date (has links)
自2002年秘密運作的核能設施曝光後，伊朗的核能政策一直是國際爭點且令人費解。若要討論伊朗核能政策是如何產出及其未來的走勢，本文認為伊朗本身的動機才是決定核能政策的關鍵。
本文以「個人－國內政治－國際政治」三層次作為分析架構，首先討論核能政策的發展歷程及其對伊朗的意義；其次分析伊朗最高宗教領袖Khamenei及伊朗政治派系如何影響核能政策；最後聚焦於2009年綠色運動後至2015年JCPOA簽訂這段期間，伊朗最高宗教領袖Khamenei與核能政策演變的關係。
本文發現伊朗的政治菁英對核能政策有高度共識，認為發展核能政策代表著實踐伊朗的大國意識與民族尊嚴、經濟與能源多元化的自主發展以及安全上的保障。另外，從政治派系角度出發，核能政策也被視為派系鬥爭中的槓桿，是政治菁英獲得權力的工具。同時，基於伊朗特殊的政治體制－－教法學家體系，最高宗教領袖Khamenei為伊朗權力體系中的第一人，其態度與政治取向決定了核能政策的走向。而在最高宗教領袖Khamenei決定核能政策的走向時，其必須將國內外政經局勢納入考量，並時時權衡當前的局勢是否會影響其作為最高宗教領袖的合法性。本文認為，若能繼續對最高宗教領袖Khamenei加以觀察，並分析其與國內政治派系的互動，將有助於未來對伊朗核能政策的了解並對伊朗政治帶來更全面的研究。
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Os sentidos do trabalho: a experiência de trabalhadoras de facções de costura da indústria de confecções no Ceará / The sense of work: the sewing factions dressmakers experience in textile industry at CearáMATOS, Juliane Oliveira January 2008 (has links)
MATOS, Juliane Oliveira. Os sentidos do trabalho: a experiência de trabalhadoras de facções de costura da indústria de confecções no Ceará. 2008. 130 f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Psicologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Psicologia, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Psicologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2008. / Submitted by moises gomes (celtinha_malvado@hotmail.com) on 2012-01-23T12:20:15Z
No. of bitstreams: 1
2008_dis_JOMatos.PDF: 836232 bytes, checksum: a081959d2c0d0f13d005066d59180200 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2012-03-08T12:03:00Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1
2008_dis_JOMatos.PDF: 836232 bytes, checksum: a081959d2c0d0f13d005066d59180200 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-03-08T12:03:00Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
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Previous issue date: 2008 / According to the necessities of flexibilization in production, enterprises have been minimizing his board of effective workers and outsourced part of the productive process. In case of the textile industry, the factories subcontract small productive unities, called sewing factions. With that, they resist better to the market sazonality and get rid of labor taxes and responsibilities. Meantime, the costs of this process falls back on the dressmakers who works in the sewing factions, since they work generally in informality, without labor secured benefits, having to deal with the instability of the market. In this perspective, the present work looked to know, through the experience of the dressmakers, which sense they attribute to his work due to the conditions found in the sewing factions and how they drive themselves in front of labor relations that they experiment. The informations were gathered by interviews, having these been subjected to an content analysis. It was possible to identify the construction of a perverse and deceitful logic, in which the labor rights are exchanged for the sensation of a free work, what in fact contributes to aggravate the feminine work segregation in activities more vulnerable of the labor market. The proliferation of sewing factions in the productive sector of the textile industry, especially in the Industrial District of Maracanaú - Ceará, confirms the global tendencies in transformation of work organization that brings the enlargement of precarious work, supported by the strategy of subemployment and the use of informal work. / Atendendo às necessidades de flexibilização da produção, empresas têm minimizado seus quadros de funcionários efetivos e terceirizado parte do processo produtivo. No caso da indústria de confecção, as fábricas subcontratam pequenas unidades produtivas, chamadas facções de costura. Com isso, reagem melhor à sazonalidade do mercado e livram-se dos encargos trabalhistas. Os custos desse processo, entretanto, terminam recaindo sobre as costureiras que atuam nas facções de costura, pois trabalham geralmente na informalidade, sem benefícios trabalhistas assegurados, tendo de lidar com a instabilidade do mercado. Nesta perspectiva, o presente trabalho buscou conhecer, através da experiência das costureiras, que sentido elas atribuem ao seu trabalho diante das condições encontradas nas facções de costura e como se conduzem frente às formas de relações laborais as quais experimentam. As informações foram colhidas mediante entrevistas, tendo estas sido submetidas à análise de conteúdo. Foi possível identificar a construção de uma lógica perversa e enganadora, em que se trocam os direitos trabalhistas pela sensação de um trabalho mais liberto que, na realidade, contribui para o agravamento da segregação do trabalho feminino em atividades mais vulneráveis do mercado de trabalho. A proliferação das facções de costura no setor produtivo da indústria de confecção, notadamente no Distrito Industrial de Maracanaú - Ceará, confirma as tendências globais de transformação da organização do trabalho que trazem consigo a ampliação de diversas formas de trabalho precarizado, apoiadas na estratégia de subcontratação e utilização do trabalho informal.
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L’effet des factions radicales au sein du mouvement indépendantiste québécoisFortier, Jacob 04 1900 (has links)
Pourquoi certains mouvements indépendantistes principalement non-violents sont-ils entraînés dans la violence par des factions radicales tandis que d’autres mouvements résistent à l’escalade des violences et continuent de s’engager sur une trajectoire non-violente ? Au Québec, la tentative la plus achevée du FLQ de faire escalader le conflit entre le mouvement indépendantiste et les forces étatiques s’est soldée par la dissolution des factions radicales et la disparition progressive de la violence au sein du répertoire d’action du mouvement. De même, l’escalade du conflit entre le FLQ et les forces étatiques lors de la crise d’Octobre n’a pas entraîné d’autres organisations indépendantistes vers la violence et c’est plutôt un processus de désescalade qui s’est mis en place, permettant ensuite au mouvement de réaliser plusieurs succès électoraux. En s’appuyant sur des entretiens semi-dirigés avec d’anciens militants indépendantistes et des recherches d’archives, ce mémoire retrace ainsi le processus par lequel les factions radicales ont échoué à radicaliser la trajectoire du mouvement indépendantiste québécois des années 1960 avant de disparaître au début de la décennie suivante. L’analyse soulève plus spécifiquement les mesures imposées par les principales organisations indépendantistes pour faire dé-escalader la violence et maintenir le mouvement sur sa trajectoire non-violente au travers de différents épisodes historiques. Ce mémoire révèle finalement comment un niveau de coopération de plus en plus important entre organisations indépendantistes concernant la posture à adopter vis-à-vis de la violence a permis d’isoler les franges radicales à l’intérieur du mouvement et d’empêcher ainsi les extrémistes d’affecter la réputation du mouvement ou d’entraver sa trajectoire démocratique et non-violente. / Why do radical factions draw some predominantly non-violent independence movements into violence, while other movements resist the escalation of violence and continue on their non-violent trajectory? In Quebec, the FLQ's most successful attempt to escalate the conflict between the independence movement and state forces during the October crisis resulted in the dissolution of radical factions and the gradual disappearance of violence from the movement's repertoire of action. Based on semi-structured interviews with former pro-independence activists and archival research, this thesis traces the process by which radical factions failed to radicalize the trajectory of the Quebec pro-independence movement in the 1960s before disappearing early in the following decade. Specifically, the analysis highlights the measures imposed by the main pro-independence organizations to defuse violence and keep the movement on its non-violent path through different historical episodes. This thesis ultimately reveals how an increasing level of cooperation among pro-independence organizations regarding the stance to take on violence has served to isolate radical factions within the movement and prevent extremists from affecting the movement's reputation or hindering its democratic and nonviolent trajectory.
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From self-praise to self-boasting : Paul's unmasking of the conflicting rhetorico-linguistic phenomena in 1 CorinthiansDonahoe, Kate C. January 2008 (has links)
The thesis, entitled “From Self-Praise to Self-Boasting: Paul’s Unmasking of the Conflicting Rhetorico-Linguistic Phenomena in 1 Corinthians,” examines the rhetorical conventions of “boasting” and self-praise among those vying for social status and honor within the Greco-Roman world. While the terminological options for “boasting” and self-praise frequently overlap, a survey of these conventions demonstrates that the ancients possessed a categorical distinction between “boasting” and self-praise, which oftentimes conflicted with Paul’s distinction. Clear examples of this conflict appear in 1 Cor 1:10-4:21; 5:1-13; 9:1-27; 13:1-13; and 15:30-32, where Paul addresses the Corinthians’ overestimation of wisdom and eloquence, redirects the Corinthians’ attention away from loyalties to specific leaders to loyalty to Christ, redefines the standards by which the Corinthians should view themselves and their leaders, counters the Corinthians’ tendency to engage in anthropocentric “boasting,” and affirms his own apostolic ministry. It is the Corinthian community’s inability to grasp the application of theocentric “boasting” which leads Paul to address certain aspects and values of secular Corinth that have penetrated the Corinthian community. Thus, operating from an eschatological perspective, Paul critiques both the Corinthians’ attitudes and the Greco-Roman cultural values upon which their attitudes are based. Through irony, self-presentation, imitation, differentiating between theocentric and anthropocentric “boasting,” and distinguishing between personality and gospel rhetoric, Paul challenges the secular notions of social status, power, wisdom, leadership, and patronage and exhorts the Corinthians to focus their attention on their relationship with the Lord rather than on improving their social status or on increasing their honor.
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The role of the priests in Israelite identity formation in the exilic/post-exilic period with special reference to Leviticus 19:1-19a / Rol van die priesters in die Israelitiese identiteitsvorming tydens die ballingskaps-/ na-ballingskapstydperk met spesiale verwysing na Levitikus 19:1-19aBeer, Leilani 07 1900 (has links)
Bibliography: leaves 289-298 / Source-criticism of the Pentateuch suggests that the priests (Source P) alone authored the
Holiness Code – the premise being that Source P forms one religious, literate and elite group
of several. Through the endeavor to redefine Israelite identity during the Neo-Babylonian
Empire of 626–539 BCE and the Achaemenid Persian Empire of 550–330 BCE, various
ideologies of Israelite identity were produced by various religious, literate and elite groups.
Possibly, the Holiness Code functions as the compromise reached between two such groups,
these being: the Shaphanites, and the Zadokites. Moreover, the Holiness Code functions as
the basis for the agreed identity of Israel as seen by the Shaphanites and the Zadokites.
Specifically, in Leviticus 19:1-19a – as being the Levitical decalogue of the Holiness Code,
and which forms the emphasis of this thesis – both Shaphanite and Zadokite ideologies are
expressed therein.
The Shaphanite ideology is expressed through the Mosaic tradition: i.e., through the Law;
and the Zadokite ideology is expressed through the Aaronide tradition: i.e., through the Cult.
In the debate between the supremacy of the Law, or the Cult – i.e., Moses or Aaron – the
ancient Near Eastern convention of the ‘rivalry between brothers’ is masterfully negotiated
in Leviticus 19:1-19a. / Old Testament and Ancient Near Eastern Studies / D. Phil. (Old Testament)
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