The purpose of this research study was to provide a rich and thick description of what it means to be a NASCAR (National Association of Stock Car Racing) fan. Specifically, the researcher examined how NASCAR fans create their sport fan identity, how being a NASCAR fan influences their overall identity, and the social and cultural aspects associated with being a NASCAR fan. The participants consisted of 12 (10 male & 2 female) self-identified NASCAR fans in attendance at one of three races (Daytona 500 at Daytona International Speedway in Daytona Beach, FL; Samsung/RadioShack 500 at Texas Motor Speedway in Justin, TX; or the Richmond 400 at the Richmond International Raceway (RIR) in Richmond, VA) during the 2006 NASCAR Nextel Cup Series season. Interviews were transcribed verbatim and analyzed, yielding four major themes. The themes that emerged included: (a) entry into NASCAR, (b) being A NASCAR Fan, (c) "ya'll NASCAR fans": fan camaraderie, and (d) win on Sunday...sell on Monday. In general, the participants expressed that their entrance into the sport of NASCAR had been facilitated by close friends and family. Whether they grew up going to the racetrack with their family or were persuaded by a close friend to attend a race, the experience of attending a NASCAR Sprint Cup event propelled them on a lifelong journey following the sport. All of the participants articulated their affinity for fellow NASCAR fans and spending time with other fans at the track, serving as a way of enhancing their sport fan identity. The NASCAR fans in this study also expressed that the amount of sponsorship within the sport was something that they viewed as having an impact on their behavior as a consumer, with many having noted they try to exclusively purchase NASCAR sponsor brands. Recommendations for researchers based on the interviews are also discussed. / Kinesiology

The current study explored how fan identification and negative rival perception affect the decision to blast or support the rival in indirect competition in college football. 258 participants (M age=24.15, 51.16% female) responded after being targeted via social media, email, and in person. Fans higher in identification had a more negative rival perception, were more likely to blast the rival, and were less likely to support the rival in indirect competition. A negative rival perception increased blasting and decreased rival support. The results contribute to current literature on rivalry and fan identification and aid marketers in marketing segmentation and targeting new segments to increase viewership and attendance.

本文試圖從歷時化的角度，說明清代番人分類體制形成的過程及對地方社會熟番社的作用。在康熙朝，官方的番社分類系統──「野番、土番」，是在賦稅認知下展開，並不具有文明化的概念；至康熙末年，對番人的分類稱謂才從「野番、土番」轉變至「生番、熟番」。此分類體系，至雍正朝逐漸產生變化。雍正3年（1725）生番歸化潮的終止，讓官員面臨如何在原本的「生、熟」分類體系中，安排界外納餉番社的問題，而在原分類中增添「歸化生番」類型。 進入乾隆朝以後，乾隆皇帝基於「國家統馭體制」（生、化在外，熟番在內），不願歸化生番移入界內，強制性地閉鎖番人之間身分屬性的流動。伴隨實體番界的強化，官員們開始以「番界內外」、「納稅與否」為標準區別番人，並將分類化約成「界內熟番、界外生番」，模糊了的化番角色。為了確立熟番類屬，官方開始制定一系列相應的熟番政策，形成所謂「熟番身分制」，且賦予番社行政性的「熟番特徵」。值得注意的是，乾隆朝的一系列熟番政策，表面看來似有規範個人身分的傾向，實際上仍以「番社」作為區別的單位，甚至在隘、屯等制度執行上，其員額與租額分配是以番社為單位，無形中強化了番社對番人的支配。 身分制的落實，維繫地方社會「熟番」與「漢民」的群體界線，也影響兩者互動的關係。在岸裡社群對於「水利、山林與土地」控制的例子可知，身分制的作用在不同時空環境下，皆有不同程度影響的展現。其中影響甚深之處，反是王朝支配權力薄弱的「番界邊區」。無論是山產交易或界外埔地的控制，熟番們皆利用身分制的保護，具有能動性進行策略選擇，甚至與他者競爭。不過，熟番社所競逐的利益，並未能雨露均霑，在部落階層化的前提下，大多數的利益集中在部落上層菁英手中。這也這也埋下19世紀熟番遷徙與身分轉換的誘因。 19世紀前期，熟番身分制發生轉變，隨著熟番遷徙、帝國版圖擴張，官方再度重啟「番人身分轉換」機制，提供生番、化番轉為熟番的可能性。進入光緒朝後，番人分類體制鬆動變得更加劇烈。在「番人教化觀」與「普天之下皆是赤民」的雙重概念前提下，沈葆楨等官員們主導的番政變革，將目光轉向山地的「生番」，並開始刻意讓原本清晰的番人類屬趨於混同。作為行政分類的「熟番」類屬，也正式消失於官方的番人分類框架。與之同時，成為「熟番」的部落開始經歷劇烈變動，岸裡社熟番為了生存，分別採取遷徙、隱匿身分於當地社會或改信基督教信仰等不同的生存策略。 然而，官方制定的「熟番、漢民」的人群類屬，僅停留在制度層面，未成為地方人群區分彼此的稱謂。熟番只有在面臨官方行政事務或區分生番族群時，行政性「熟」的特質才發揮作用。地方人群邊界的劃分，主要是來自族群性「番、人」之別。這樣的區別，並未受熟番身分制取消的影響，而依然維繫至改朝換代。終清一代維繫「番、人」這條隱形界線的機制，卻是熟番身分制與熟番族群性交互作用使然。因此，熟番社也以行政性「熟番特徵」、族群性「番人傳統」兩組符號，形塑我群邊界。 總結來說，本文認為所謂的「熟番身分」，不是帝國對番人文化表徵的分類觀，而是治理臺灣地方社會的統治制度。清官員將行政性的「熟」與族群性的「番」連結，符合熟特徵的人群，自然納入熟番的範疇。於此清廷治理下的「熟」番社不再具有血緣上的意義，人群藉由婚姻、收繼等關係進入番社，成為帝國統治下的熟番。身分制的落實，也讓熟番社更具有能動性的選擇與他者互動的策略，甚至與之競逐。一直到19世紀末因相應制度的崩解，才逐漸加速熟番身分符號的改變；番人從番社解析出來，開始走向一個由「番到人」的道路。 / The article try to use the historical approach to illustrate the process of the formation of the classification system of Fan aboriginals in Qing Dynasty and the influence on the Shu Fan（cooked aborigines） tribe in local society. The official way to separate Taiwan aboriginal as “Ye Fan”, “Tu Fan” was based on the tax payment in Kang Xi dynasty，but it transferred to “Sheng fan（raw aborigines）” , “Shu Fan（cooked aborigines）”in late of Kang Xi dynasty. The officer added the new type: “ naturalized Sheng fan” todescribe the Shu fan（cooked aborigines）who lives beyond the boundary but still pay tax after the end of the Sheng fan naturalization in Yong Zheng dynasty. Because of the “State - controlled system”, Emperor Qian Long wouldn’t move the naturalized Sheng fan into the boundary and locked the Fan’s identity compulsively.With the strengthen of the Aboriginal Boundary, the officer start to use “boundary” or “tax payment” as a standard to separate the Fan and reduce the category to Shu Fan inside the border or Sheng Fan outside the border. Then the officer used lots of systems for distinguish the type of Shu Fan to build the Shu Fan identity to shape of the administrative characteristics of the Shu fan tribe.This administrative identity system is based on tribe, not on individual person.However, the Shu Fan identity system collapsed slowly because the transferred of official system in 19th Century. Finally, Shu Fan , as an official administrative category, disappeared in the official document in late of 19th Century. The implement of identity system in middle of 18th Century maintained the ethnic border of Shu Fan and Han at local society, it also affected the way they communicated with each other. As an example: The An-li tribe try to control the waterpower, mountain and land, displayed the identity system had different influences in different situations.At the same time, Shu fan tribe began to experience dramatic changes, In order to Survive, the An-li tribe adopted different strategies such as migration, concealment in the local community, or conversion to Christian faith. However, the category of Shu Fan and Han from official position only stay at the administrative system level, it didn't become the way for local people to distinguish each other.Shu, as an administrative characteristic, just used at facing the official administrative work or separated Sheng Fan from themselves for Shu Fan. Fan and Han, as an ethnic characteristic, is the main way to distinct crowd at local.This kind of distinction did not affect by the abolishment of Shu Fan identity system, it still existed although the empire was replaced by a new one. The reason of this invisible border can be maintained in the whole Qing Dynasty is based on the Shu Fan’s interaction between the identity system and ethnicity.So, the tribe also used the Shu Fan as an administrative characteristic and aboriginal as an ethnic characteristic to build their ethnic border. In conclusion, what we talk about Shu fan（cooked aborigines） identity in Qing dynasty is not about the category of culture characteristic, is about the system to manage local society in Taiwan. The Qing officers combined the Shu of administrative characteristic and Fan of ethnic characteristic, the crowd who meets the characteristic of Shu would be classified as Shu Fan. So the Shu Fan tribe no longer had meaning of consanguinity in Qing dynasty, people become to Shu Fan by marriage or inherit into tribe. The implement of identity system made Shu Fan had more agency selection and strategy to communicate with others. The collapse of system make the symbol of identity change faster, Fan aboriginals was distilled from tribe and become to Han .

Fans and fandoms are ever more salient aspects of our everyday lives offline and linked to the Internet's growing influence also online, particularly on social media. While fans have generally been pathologized via mass media but also early academic representations especially prior to the founding of the interdisciplinary Fan Studies in the 1970s/1980s, which sought to actively counter negative fan representations and foreground fans' creative productivity, nowadays, even though many types of fans have been 'mainstreamed' and are generally accepted, specific fan types are still systematically discriminated against - even within Fan Studies - along the lines of socio-demographic variables. These marginalised fans are predominantly female, young, queer and non-white. Moreover, even though Fan Studies define fan identity as one of their focal concerns, linguistic research on fan identity, particularly regarding its narrative and interactive construction, has widely been neglected. However, as narrative interaction and specifically small stories (as propsed within the small story paradigm by Bamberg & Georgakopoulou, 2007/8) have been found to play a very important role in the construction of identity, the investigation of how fan identity is constructed via small stories and - given the centrality of collective fandoms for fans - specifically shared (group) stories can severely contribute to fan (identity) research. Thus, combining decidedly linguistic research on narrative fan identity construction and the inclusion of previously marginalised fan communities, this thesis focuses on the construction of fan identity of Taylor Swift fans (Swifties) - a predominantly female and young fandom that has been ridiculed by mass media and dominant discourses - via shared stories. More specifically this study analyses the construction of Swiftie fan identity via shared stories both online in nicknames on Tumblr and Twitter and face to face in the form of a positioning analysis investigating the interactions of a Zoom focus group made up of five German Swifties. This research finds that within Swiftie nicknames Swiftie fan identity is centrally constructed by means of variously highly condensed, combined and/or personalised references (to shared stories of the overarching Swiftie community). The focus group interactions then reveal various positioning practices that are strongly intertwined with (often) more elaborate shared stories, which are 'shared' by the Swiftie participants both with regards to experiences on the story level and their interactive co-construction on the level of interaction. Despite their diverging local manifestations both within the investigated Swiftie nicknames and focus group interactions shared stories are centrally utilised to construct and communicate Swiftie fan identity as a particularly collectively experienced and defined ingroup identity that confers belonging and further functions as a shield against outgroup discrimination. Further research should then enlarge the present investigative focus to include also other online platforms and fan communicative acts, supplementary and also offline implemented focus groups and field studies, more heterogenous participants with regard to often neglected socio-demographic variables (next to age and gender) as well as other (marginalised) fandoms outside of the Swiftie community.