Following the Treaty of Paris, which formally ended the American Revolution, the United States faced the daunting task of transitioning from an alliance of rebellious colonies to a unified republican government. From the outset the United States struggled to integrate their revolutionary ideology into a functional system of governance. The country’s national defense establishment typified this struggle. Professional armies, eighteenth-century Americans believed, remained antithetical to republican principles. Such forces, they believed, were the tools authoritarian leaders wielded to promote tyranny and suppress individual liberties. Their ranks were filled with aristocratic officers and mindless mercenary soldiers drawn from the lowest rungs of society. To preserve their revolutionary ideals, the young nation chose to place their national defense in the hands of local militias. Filled with citizen-soldiers, militias provided security while avoiding the evils of professional armies.The nation’s militia system following the revolution, however, remained in disarray. Based in local communities across the nation, the militia remained poorly organized, ill-equipped, and poorly trained. Local citizens, state and federal policymakers, and military officials remained committed to fixing the only military system compatible with their idealized republican society. In the first decade following the adoption of the U.S. Constitution, the federal and state governments passed waves of legislation to try and reform the militia system. Despite these efforts, the militia, by the end of the federalist era, remained poorly organized, ill-equipped, and, in a single defining word, ineffective. The limited scholarly attention devoted to examining the militia during this period centers on the national political debate amongst elite politicians and the legislation they drafted to improve the militia. Such debates reveal how republican ideology, the same ideology which necessitated the militia, imposed constraints on the system. Historians, however, often remain less focused on actual militia organizations. Examining local militias illuminates the impact these republican constraints placed on the system. Exploring the thoughts and actions of local militiamen also reveals they too embraced republican principles. Their unique equalitarian conception of republicanism, however, contrasted with the conception most policymakers held. Militiamen resisted the militia system policymakers imposed, deeming it incompatible with true republican principles. Well-crafted legislation mattered little if militiamen refused to enact the system policymakers set forth. Instead of compromising, policymakers tried to rein in the unruly militias. These efforts provoked more resistance. Exhausted after years of failed reform, the government increasingly turned to the least republican option of all: a professional standing army. / History

Historians have never formed a consensus over the Essex Junto. In fact, though often associated with New England Federalists, propagandists evoked the Junto long after the Federalist Party’s demise in 1824. This article chronicles uses of the term Essex Junto and its significance as it evolved from the early republic through the 1840s.

This thesis analyses Treaty of Lisbon in order to reveal federalist principles contained in this new reformative treaty. This will enable to infer the impact on the sovereignty of the EU member states in case the Treaty of Lisbon would be ratified.

This essay examines the possibility to use the Federalist Papers as authentic classroom material for English 7 within Sweden’s upper secondary school. To do this, three close readings have been done of the first, tenth and fifty-first essay amongst the Federalist Papers. Although the material is quite advanced, this essay found that these essays should be considered when choosing material for English 7 as they are challenging but have a lot of opportunity for learning, especially regarding rhetoric. Like most material in a classroom, one must compare the possible material’s compatibility with the class being taught. However, the Federalist Papers fulfills many of the requirements for course content within the Swedish curriculum for upper secondary school as well as the course plan for specifically English 7. This is because the material regards existential questions and is both historical and political which makes it aligned with the course plan. Likewise, many of the issues covered in these essays regard questions on democratization and human nature in relation to government, which makes the Federalist Papers a good candidate for school material.  The main points of interest for the learners when it comes to English skills to be gained from working with the Federalist Papers are the rhetorical devices,particularly ethos and pathos, that can be observed within the essays. Learners would understand how analogies and metaphors can be used to make an audience feel in a certain way, resulting in a more efficient use of language, while also learning how certain words can indicate an adversarial stance towards opposing ideas.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:50:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 FERNANDO CESAR CLAUDINO DE OLIVEIRA.pdf: 1110359 bytes, checksum: 34dac6b8e749c3a37e27d09f196495d1 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-28 / This paper is an interpretative study which aims to the demonstrate that public policies were born with the advent of the modern state in which is organically inserted the logic of the capital. In order to reach this goal, a deep investigation was made since the classic approach of state and it was linked to suggest the formation process of the Brazilian State. However, this process in State of Goias was singular and based on public policies designed for a transition period from an authoritarian state to a democratic one besides the modernization of the production process. Nevertheless, these policies promoted to State of Goias legitimate autonomy causing fragmentation in the federalist agreement and transforming industrial concentration in the country. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo demonstrar que as políticas públicas são derivadas da natureza do Estado moderno organicamente inserido na lógica do capital. Para se alcançar esse objetivo recorre-se aos princípios da pesquisa interpretativa, apoiando-se inicialmente na abordagem clássica do Estado, a partir de sua gênese e heteronomia, assim como, para evidenciar o processo de construção do Estado Brasileiro. Colocando-se em relevo uma ligação profunda que permeia entre a natureza do Estado e a estruturação das políticas alocativas praticadas pelo poder público. Constatando-se que as políticas públicas carregam as matizes da natureza do Estado em Goiás e se efetivam em uma modernização do processo produtivo, concebido de uma processual transição autoritária para uma construção democrática, legitimando autonomia, desencadeando fragmentação do pacto federativo e desconcentração industrial no país.

Univ., Diss--Bamberg, 2007.

It has become something of a cliché for contemporary scholars to assert that Madison turned Montesquieu on his head and thereafter give little thought to the Frenchman’s theory that republics must remain limited in territorial size. Madison did indeed present a formidable challenge to Montesquieu’s theory, but I will demonstrate in this dissertation that the authors of the Federalist Papers arrived at the extended sphere by following a theoretical pathway already cemented by the French philosopher. I will also show that Madison’s “practical sphere” ultimately concedes to Montesquieu that excessive territorial size and high levels of heterogeneity will overwhelm the citizens of a republic and enable the few to oppress the many. The importance of this dissertation is its finding that the principal mechanism devised by the Federalists for dealing with factions—the enlargement of the sphere—was crafted specifically for the purpose of moderating interests, classes, and sects within an otherwise relatively homogeneous nation. Consequently, the diverse republic that is America today may be exposed to the existential threat anticipated by Montesquieu’s theory of size—the plutocratic oppression of society by an elite class that employs the strategy of divide et impera.

No description available.

No description available.

The traditional narrative of political party development in the United States of America during the latter half of the 1790s ascribes the decline in popularity of the Federalist Party in the Election of 1800 to that party's passage of controversial legislation, specifically the Sedition Act of 1798, prior to the election. Between the passage of the Sedition Act and the Election of 1800, however, the midterm elections of 1798-1799 transpired and resulted in a significant increase in Federalist popularity in four states – North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, and Virginia. This study seeks to ascertain why these four states increased their support for the Federalist Party in 1798-1799, despite the passage of the Sedition Act by the Federalist Party. By examining newspapers and election results, this study analyzes the reaction of these four states to the passage of the Sedition Act and finds that generally, these states did not react strongly against the Sedition Act in the immediate aftermath of its passage. Instead, all four states urged national unity and emphasized the need to support the national government because the United States faced the threat of war with France. This study employs a state-by-state formula to determine each state's individual reaction to the Sedition Act and the Quasi-War, finding that ultimately, the Sedition Act did not have as significant of an impact in these states as the popular narrative holds.