<p>This dissertation is a collection of three papers, each one being a chapter. In the first chapter, I examine how career interruptions related to child-raising duties affect married women’s labor market trajectory, lifetime earnings, and Social Security retirement benefits. To address this question, I develop and estimate a dynamic life-cycle model of female labor supply, savings, and Social Security benefit claiming. I explicitly model the Social Security benefits system and the federal and payroll tax structure in the United States. The framework, thus, allows me to unravel the complex interdependencies between women’s participation decisions, accumulated work experience, lifetime earnings, and public pension benefits. I estimate the model using the Method of Simulated Moments and match data for the cohort born in 1943-1954. I use the model to simulate labor supply behavior of married women in a revenue-neutral counterfactual scenario where I introduce Social Security caregiver credit that covers the lost earnings during the first 5 child-rearing years through changes in retirement benefits. I find that the model predicts that introducing the provision of earning credits for child care in the Social Security system would reduce participation of married women during the child-rearing years, but the contributory nature of the caregiver credits creates incentive to work in the post-childrearing period.</p> <p><br></p> <p>In the second chapter, I evaluate the implication of introducing Social Security caregiver credit by examining whether and to what extent implementing this child-related policy to the existing Social Security system would help reduce the motherhood earnings penalty over the life cycle. I utilize the dynamic lifecycle model developed in Chapter 1 and conduct revenue-neutral counterfactual policy experiments by introducing caregiver credits in in various settings. First, I analyze the effect of the policy at different generosity levels; and second, I implement the policy in the presence as well as in the absence of the marriage-based noncontributory Social Security benefits (spousal and survivors benefits). Third, I conduct an alternative counterfactual policy experiment where mothers could drop five additional work years from the average career earnings (or equivalently Social Security benefits) calculation. The model predicts that lifetime pre-tax labor earnings of married women increase significantly under when the caregiver credits are introduced in a setting where spousal and survivors benefits are eliminated, and there is a sizeable reduction in gender gap in average career earnings at the Social Security Early Retirement Age. The alternative policy of computing average career earnings based on a mother's 30 years of earnings has significantly smaller impact on offsetting motherhood earnings penalty through retirement benefits compared to the provision of Social Security caregiver credits.</p> <p><br></p> <p>In the third chapter, I examine the effect of Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) work requirement reinstatement on food insecurity outcomes of able-bodied adults without dependents (ABAWDs). The policy restricts SNAP benefits of ABAWDs to 3 months in a 36 month period if they are not working or participating in any work program for at least 20 hours a week. In the aftermath of the 2008 recession, the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 waived work requirements nationwide, and many states reimplemented the work rule at different times beginning in 2011. I employ a difference-in-differences approach utilizing this cross-state variation in the reimplementation of the policy. Using rich information on food affordability and food intake behavior from the Food Security Supplement of the Current Population Survey (CPS-FSS), I find that promoting work for food assistance improved the overall food security status of ABAWDs by reducing disruptions in food intake, anxiety over food affordability and dependency on emergency food receipt. Subsample analyses indicate that effects are stronger for never married and less educated ABAWDs.</p>

Die Dissertation fragt nach den Ursachen der spezifisch niedrigen Geburtenrate in Ost- und Westdeutschland, die seit Mitte der siebziger Jahre deutlich unter dem Reproduktionsniveau liegt. Theoretisch wird die Frage behandelt, inwiefern die gewandelte gesellschaftliche Stellung der Frau – insbesondere ihre höhere Bildungs- und Erwerbspartizipation – mit der Verbreitung geringer Kinderzahlen in Verbindung steht. Für die Analysen werden Scientific Use Files der Mikrozensen 1973 bis 2008 verwendet; diese repräsentieren jährlich 0,7 Prozent der deutschen Bevölkerung. So kann gezeigt werden, dass innerhalb vergleichbarer soziostruktureller Gruppen kaum ein Rückgang der Kinderzahlen auftrat. Differenziert nach Berufsbildungsabschluss, Erwerbstätigkeit und Finanzierung des Lebensunterhaltes zeigt sich, dass einzig Frauen ohne Berufsbildung sowie Frauen, die das Hausfraumodell leben, durchschnittlich 2,0 Kinder haben – dies ist sowohl im Jahr 1982 wie auch 2008 in Westdeutschland der Fall. Innerhalb der Gruppe der erwerbstätigen Frauen liegen die Kinderzahlen je Frau deutlich niedriger. Die Gruppe der Hausfrauen, die ihren überwiegenden Lebensunterhalt durch ihren Ehemann finanziert, hat sich in Westdeutschland im Zeitvergleich seit dem Jahr 1982 von 50 auf 25 Prozent der Frauen halbiert. Dieser strukturelle Wandel hin zu einer unabhängigen weiblichen Lebensführung führte in Westdeutschland zu Kinderzahlen weit unter dem Reproduktionsniveau. Die empirische Analyse zeigt, dass strukturtheoretische Modelle mit klassischen Variablen wie Familienstand, Erwerbsumfang und Einkommen die Varianz der Kinderzahl heute besser erklären können als noch in den achtziger Jahren. Im Fazit scheint ein gesellschaftliches „cultural lag“ auf – die gesellschaftliche Unterstützung zur Vereinbarkeit von Beruf und Familie ist offensichtlich zu gering, so dass die Emanzipation der Frau in Deutschland den negativen Effekt niedriger Geburtenraten hervorbringt. / The study focuses on the causes of low birth rates in eastern and western Germany, which has been below the level of reproduction since 1975. Theoretically the changing position of women in society is considered and the possible connections between higher female education, the spread of female employment and low fertility rates are discussed. The analysis is based upon scientific use files of the German micro census from 1973 up to 2008; the data represent annually 0.7 percent of the German population. It is shown, that there is no decline in fertility within similar socio structural subgroups. Controlled by educational/vocational training, employment and female income (financial independence) it is shown that only women with no vocational training and women with no own income have 2.0 children per women – this result is significant for Western Germany in 1982 as well as in 2008. Within the group of employed women the mean number of children is much lower. But the group of housewives declined in half from 50 to 25 percent between 1982 and 2008. This structural change toward female independent lifestyle leads to a very low birth rate in Germany. The empirical analysis shows that classical models using structural variables like family status, employment and income are able to explain a considerable higher variance of birth rates today. Summing up there appears to be a “cultural lag”: women get emancipated, but the public support and the compatibility of work and family stays low, as well as the birth rates of employed women led to low overall birth rates.

Cette étude a pour objectif d’étudier l’emploi et le chômage, son évolution en Algérie de 1966 à 2014 ainsi que ses aspects sociodémographiques. L’étude du marché du travail algérien a montré que celui-ci a subi de profondes transformations à cause des événements démographiques et économiques qui ont jalonné le pays, tels que : l’expansion de l’emploi informel et féminin, le recul de l’emploi public et l’effondrement du secteur agricole. L’analyse des données des enquêtes emplois de l’ONS, montre l’impact de ces éléments sur les taux d’activité. Ces derniers ont connu une grande hausse durant les périodes de crise etparticulièrement dans les années 1990. Cette hausse était due, à la fois, à la croissance démographique et à la poussée de l’activité féminine. Pour le taux de chômage, il a atteint son niveau le plus bas en 1984. Cette baisse est imputée à la faible pression démographique sur le marché du travail comme à la politique économique suivie dans les années 1970. A partir de 1986, le niveau de chômage augmente et atteint un pic durant les années 1990. Cette hausse a été déclenchée par un ensemble de facteurs : l’arrivée en masse sur le marché du travail d’individus issus des générations du baby-boom, la baisse durable des prix des hydrocarbures , la crise politique et sécuritaire et l’arrivée d’un nombre croissant de femmes sur le marché du travail. De 2000 à 2013, le niveau de chômage tend à la baisse. En effet, la forte hausse des prix des hydrocarbures en cette période, a permis la création d’un volume important d’emplois non permanents. S’ajoute, à cela, la baisse de la pression démographique dans la même période. A partir de 2014, le niveau de chômage repart vers la hausse alors qu’en même temps les cours du prix du pétrole chutent.Cette thèse a également visé le marché de l’emploi à l’échelle locale. Ainsi, l’enquête menée dans la wilaya d’Oran a concerné cinq communes. L’exploitation des données de cette enquête a révélé une forte participation des femmes dans la vie active ; près de la moitié d’entre elles ont suivi un enseignement supérieur. Cela a influé sur le taux d’activité global qui est plus élevé que la moyenne nationale. Quant aux taux d’emploi, ils sont faibles dans les communes réputées pour leur structure industrielle et plus important dans les communes les plus agglomérées. S’agissant de l’âge moyen d’entrée dans le premier emploi, l’enquête a relevé que le niveau d’instruction joue un rôle déterminant dans la diminution de l’écart entre les hommes et les femmes: l’âge d’entrée dans un premier emploi chez les universitaires femmes et hommes est presque identique alors que pour le niveau d’instruction égal ou inférieur au moyen, les femmes entrent plus tardivement sur le marché de l’emploi par rapport aux hommes. En ce qui concerne les demandeurs d’emplois, les données de l’enquête ont abouti à un taux de chômage plus élevé que la moyenne nationale. Le niveau de chômage est plus élevé dans les communes réputées être le bassin d’emploi de la wilaya d’Oran. / This study aims to analyze employment, unemployment and their evolution in Algeria from 1966 to 2014 and their socio-demographic point of view. The study of the Algerian workforce has shown that there has been a profound transformation due to demographic and economic events which stand out as milestones such as: the expansion of informal work, women in the workforce, decreasing public sector employment and the collapse of agriculture. The analysis of studies by the ONS show the impact of these elements on the rate of activity. The latter has shown a large increase during periods of crisis and particularlyduring the 1990's.This demand was the result of the increase of population and the development of women in the workforce. Unemployment reached its lowest level in 1984. This reduction is due to low population demand and the political and economic situation in the 1970's. From 1986, unemployment increased and reached its peak in the 1990's. This rise was due to a number of factors: the arrival of the baby-boomers and an increased number of women in the workplace, low petrol prices, and the political and security crisis. From 2000 to 2013 unemployment lessened. In fact, the high price of petrol in this period created a large number of precarious jobs and a drop in demand. From 2014, unemployment increased while the price of petrol fell.This work also studies the marketplace on a local level via 5 communes in wilaya d'Oran. The analysis of the information reveals a strong female participation, almost half of them have tertiary qualifications. That has influenced the total activity which is higher than the national average. Employment is low in the communes with an industrial structure and more important in built-up areas.The study shows that the level of education for first job seekers plays an important role between the employment of men and women: the age of tertiary educated men and women entering their first job is almost equal, where the level of education of men and women is equal or less than the average, women enter the workforce later than men. The study reveals that the level of job-seekers is higher than the national average. The level of unemployment is higher in the labour pool of the communes of wilaya d'Oran.

This sociological study explores the past and current higher education (HE) experience of educationalists at Gaza’s universities and how this experience may be evolving in the shifting socio-political context in the Arab World. The thesis is motivated by three questions: 1. What are the perspectives of academic staff in the Faculties of Education at Gaza’s universities on their own past HE experiences? 2. What are the perspectives of students and their lecturers (academic staff) in the Faculties of Education at Gaza’s universities on students’ current HE experiences? 3. How do educationalists in the Faculties of Education at Gaza’s universities perceive the shifting socio-political context in the Arab World, and what current or future impact do they think it will have on the education context at Gaza’s universities? To examine these questions, I conducted an inductive qualitative study. Using 36 in-depth, semi- structured interviews which lasted between (90-300 min), I collected data from educationalists (15 academic staff; 21 students) at two of Gaza’s universities. Due to difficulties of access to the Gaza Strip, the participants were interviewed via Skype from Cambridge. Informed by the literature review, and triangulated with other research activities, such as reviewing participants’ CVs, browsing universities websites, and keeping a reflective journal, a thematic analysis was conducted on the interview data. Theoretically, although this study has benefited from conceptual insights, such as those found in Paulo Freire’s Pedagogy of the Oppressed and in Pierre Bourdieu’s work on symbolic violence, it is a micro-level study, which is mainly data driven. The findings of this research show that in the past, educationalists were relatively more passive in terms of shaping their HE experiences, despite efforts to become resilient. In the present, students and their lecturers continue to face challenges that impact negatively on their participation and everyday life at Gaza’s universities. However, how the HE experience will evolve out of this context in the future is uncertain. The Arab Spring revolutions have had an influence on Gaza HE institutions’ campuses as they have triggered more awareness of students’ grievances and discontent. Because of some political and educational barriers, however, students’ voices are a cacophony; they remain split between “compliance” and resistance (Bourdieu, 1984, p. 471; Swartz, 2013, p. 39). Previously, Sara Roy (1995) rightly indicated a structure of “de-development” in the Gaza Strip (p.110). The findings from this research show that the impact of occupation and of the changes in the Arab World on the educational context in Gaza are more complex than previously thought. There is a simultaneous process of construction and destruction that is both external and internal to educationalists and which undermines academic work at Gaza’s universities. Based on this, the study concludes by explaining six implications of this complex structure for academic practice at Gaza’s universities, offering nine policy recommendations for HE reform, and highlighting six areas for future research.