<p>This is an essay about the political development of Iraq after the overthrow of the Baath regime by the coalition forces in 2003. Almost seven years later, the political scene is still characterised by chaos, even though the country entered a new phase with the adoption of democratic thinking and a new openness to the world. The unstable political situation is a product of inter-ethnic conflict and the interference by neighbouring countries. Iraq is up against two formidable tasks – building democracy and building a nation. The essay sets out to explore the prospects of this dual mission.</p><p>The essay breaks down into three distinct, theoretically motivated parts or sections. The first part is inspired by O’Donnell & Schmitter’s transition theory and revolves around Iraq’s transition from dictatorship to democracy. The second part sets out to evaluate the development of democracy in Iraq after Saddam Hussein in the light of the seven institutional criteria of <em>polyarchies</em> as identified by Robert Dahl. The third part evaluates Iraq in terms of Arendt Lijphart’s groundbreaking theory about consensus as a pre-condition for democracy in highly divided societies.</p><p>The investigation confirms the general picture of the political situation in Iraq as unstable but with one notable exception – the Kurdish region. The constitution testifies to the ambition to turn Iraq into a polyarchy with strong elements of consensual democracy, but the spirit of the constitution is frequently violated by government institutions and individual politicians. The consensual features have in fact served as safety valve for the ethnic and religious minorities of Iraq; but it is an open question whether they will survive the onslaught by Prime Minister Al-Maliki, a recent convert to the Westminster model. The unclear relationship between Islam and democracy also looms large in the background in a country like Iraq and must somehow be resolved by the governing elite.</p>

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo demonstrar que a criação do Oriente Médio foi estabelecida pelos europeus para a exploração do petróleo, que passou a ser explorado intensamente desde o início do século. A penetração estadunidense na região ocorre no mesmo período, enquanto busca afirmar a sua influência na América Latina, que ainda mantinha fortes ligações com a Europa. As duas guerras mundiais intensificam a presença estadunidense no Oriente Médio e na América do Sul interferindo decisivamente nas relações internacionais de ambas regiões. Com a Guerra Fria, os EUA passaram a atuar decisivamente nas políticas externas de nações importantes estrategicamente como Brasil e Iraque, que passaram a colaborar com os interesses estadunidenses nas duas regiões, no combate à penetração soviética e à Revolução Islâmica, apesar de desenvolverem estratégias próprias para alcançar este objetivo e outros que lhes favoreciam diretamente. A presença brasileira no Oriente Médio foi permitida ainda que tardiamente, sendo que a relação privilegiada com o Iraque gerou uma cooperação extremamente benéfica para ambos, favorecendo também os planos dos EUA para o Oriente Médio, enquanto o Brasil auxiliava o governo estadunidense a conter movimentos de guerrilha na América Central. Com a queda do Império Soviético, determinando o final da Guerra Fria, não era mais do interesse da potência hegemônica que houvesse uma relação ativa na área nuclear e militar como aquela entre Brasil e Iraque. Na América do Sul, as novas diretrizes estadunidenses foram determinadas pelo Consenso de Washington, prontamente acatadas pelos governos democraticamente eleitos, enquanto o Iraque exaurido economicamente era invadido por uma coalizão internacional forçado a acatar o novo status quo que se estabelecia a partir da década de 1990. Por outro lado, o novo presidente brasileiro, Fernando Collor de Mello, que rompe definitivamente com o Iraque, colocando-se incondicionalmente ao lado dos EUA, não chegou ao final do mandato, enquanto o Iraque enfrentou o seu destino sem aceitar o manifesto dos EUA. / The aim of this paper is to analyse the creation of the Middle East as an European plan, as well as the intensive oil exploitation in the region, that has begun since the beginning of the XX th century. After the First World War, the USA oil companies have participated of oil exploitation, while the country was acting in the South America to establish her influence once the South American countries were still under the European one. After the Second World War, the political and military presence of the USA in the Middle East and in the South America has increased, interfering decisively in the international relations of both regions. During the Cold War, the USA acted intensively in the foreign policy of strategic nations, such as Brazil and Iraq that helped the USA in both regions against the Soviet presence and the Islamic Revolution. These countries have developed their own strategies to reach their goals, as well as the USA ones. The Brazilian presence in the Middle East took place according to the USA plans, but the relations between Brazil and Iraq created an outstanding cooperation in the military and nuclear areas, that was important to both countries, while Brazil also helped the USA military advisors in the Central America against guerrilla groups. After the downfall of the Soviet Empire, according to the USA strategy, it was not necessary the continuation of the military and nuclear cooperation between Brazil and Iraq. In the South America, the USA plans were established by the Washington Consensus, that were accepted unconditionally by the newly elected civilian presidents, while Iraq was invaded by the USA troops and an international coalition being obliged to accept the new status quo imposed by the world hegemonic power, in the beginning of the 90’s. On the other hand, the new Brazilian President, Fernando Color de Mello, broke off the diplomatic relations between Brazil and Iraq to accept unconditionally the USA imposition, but he did not finish his term, while Iraq faced its fate without accepting the USA manifesto.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo demonstrar que a criação do Oriente Médio foi estabelecida pelos europeus para a exploração do petróleo, que passou a ser explorado intensamente desde o início do século. A penetração estadunidense na região ocorre no mesmo período, enquanto busca afirmar a sua influência na América Latina, que ainda mantinha fortes ligações com a Europa. As duas guerras mundiais intensificam a presença estadunidense no Oriente Médio e na América do Sul interferindo decisivamente nas relações internacionais de ambas regiões. Com a Guerra Fria, os EUA passaram a atuar decisivamente nas políticas externas de nações importantes estrategicamente como Brasil e Iraque, que passaram a colaborar com os interesses estadunidenses nas duas regiões, no combate à penetração soviética e à Revolução Islâmica, apesar de desenvolverem estratégias próprias para alcançar este objetivo e outros que lhes favoreciam diretamente. A presença brasileira no Oriente Médio foi permitida ainda que tardiamente, sendo que a relação privilegiada com o Iraque gerou uma cooperação extremamente benéfica para ambos, favorecendo também os planos dos EUA para o Oriente Médio, enquanto o Brasil auxiliava o governo estadunidense a conter movimentos de guerrilha na América Central. Com a queda do Império Soviético, determinando o final da Guerra Fria, não era mais do interesse da potência hegemônica que houvesse uma relação ativa na área nuclear e militar como aquela entre Brasil e Iraque. Na América do Sul, as novas diretrizes estadunidenses foram determinadas pelo Consenso de Washington, prontamente acatadas pelos governos democraticamente eleitos, enquanto o Iraque exaurido economicamente era invadido por uma coalizão internacional forçado a acatar o novo status quo que se estabelecia a partir da década de 1990. Por outro lado, o novo presidente brasileiro, Fernando Collor de Mello, que rompe definitivamente com o Iraque, colocando-se incondicionalmente ao lado dos EUA, não chegou ao final do mandato, enquanto o Iraque enfrentou o seu destino sem aceitar o manifesto dos EUA. / The aim of this paper is to analyse the creation of the Middle East as an European plan, as well as the intensive oil exploitation in the region, that has begun since the beginning of the XX th century. After the First World War, the USA oil companies have participated of oil exploitation, while the country was acting in the South America to establish her influence once the South American countries were still under the European one. After the Second World War, the political and military presence of the USA in the Middle East and in the South America has increased, interfering decisively in the international relations of both regions. During the Cold War, the USA acted intensively in the foreign policy of strategic nations, such as Brazil and Iraq that helped the USA in both regions against the Soviet presence and the Islamic Revolution. These countries have developed their own strategies to reach their goals, as well as the USA ones. The Brazilian presence in the Middle East took place according to the USA plans, but the relations between Brazil and Iraq created an outstanding cooperation in the military and nuclear areas, that was important to both countries, while Brazil also helped the USA military advisors in the Central America against guerrilla groups. After the downfall of the Soviet Empire, according to the USA strategy, it was not necessary the continuation of the military and nuclear cooperation between Brazil and Iraq. In the South America, the USA plans were established by the Washington Consensus, that were accepted unconditionally by the newly elected civilian presidents, while Iraq was invaded by the USA troops and an international coalition being obliged to accept the new status quo imposed by the world hegemonic power, in the beginning of the 90’s. On the other hand, the new Brazilian President, Fernando Color de Mello, broke off the diplomatic relations between Brazil and Iraq to accept unconditionally the USA imposition, but he did not finish his term, while Iraq faced its fate without accepting the USA manifesto.

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo demonstrar que a criação do Oriente Médio foi estabelecida pelos europeus para a exploração do petróleo, que passou a ser explorado intensamente desde o início do século. A penetração estadunidense na região ocorre no mesmo período, enquanto busca afirmar a sua influência na América Latina, que ainda mantinha fortes ligações com a Europa. As duas guerras mundiais intensificam a presença estadunidense no Oriente Médio e na América do Sul interferindo decisivamente nas relações internacionais de ambas regiões. Com a Guerra Fria, os EUA passaram a atuar decisivamente nas políticas externas de nações importantes estrategicamente como Brasil e Iraque, que passaram a colaborar com os interesses estadunidenses nas duas regiões, no combate à penetração soviética e à Revolução Islâmica, apesar de desenvolverem estratégias próprias para alcançar este objetivo e outros que lhes favoreciam diretamente. A presença brasileira no Oriente Médio foi permitida ainda que tardiamente, sendo que a relação privilegiada com o Iraque gerou uma cooperação extremamente benéfica para ambos, favorecendo também os planos dos EUA para o Oriente Médio, enquanto o Brasil auxiliava o governo estadunidense a conter movimentos de guerrilha na América Central. Com a queda do Império Soviético, determinando o final da Guerra Fria, não era mais do interesse da potência hegemônica que houvesse uma relação ativa na área nuclear e militar como aquela entre Brasil e Iraque. Na América do Sul, as novas diretrizes estadunidenses foram determinadas pelo Consenso de Washington, prontamente acatadas pelos governos democraticamente eleitos, enquanto o Iraque exaurido economicamente era invadido por uma coalizão internacional forçado a acatar o novo status quo que se estabelecia a partir da década de 1990. Por outro lado, o novo presidente brasileiro, Fernando Collor de Mello, que rompe definitivamente com o Iraque, colocando-se incondicionalmente ao lado dos EUA, não chegou ao final do mandato, enquanto o Iraque enfrentou o seu destino sem aceitar o manifesto dos EUA. / The aim of this paper is to analyse the creation of the Middle East as an European plan, as well as the intensive oil exploitation in the region, that has begun since the beginning of the XX th century. After the First World War, the USA oil companies have participated of oil exploitation, while the country was acting in the South America to establish her influence once the South American countries were still under the European one. After the Second World War, the political and military presence of the USA in the Middle East and in the South America has increased, interfering decisively in the international relations of both regions. During the Cold War, the USA acted intensively in the foreign policy of strategic nations, such as Brazil and Iraq that helped the USA in both regions against the Soviet presence and the Islamic Revolution. These countries have developed their own strategies to reach their goals, as well as the USA ones. The Brazilian presence in the Middle East took place according to the USA plans, but the relations between Brazil and Iraq created an outstanding cooperation in the military and nuclear areas, that was important to both countries, while Brazil also helped the USA military advisors in the Central America against guerrilla groups. After the downfall of the Soviet Empire, according to the USA strategy, it was not necessary the continuation of the military and nuclear cooperation between Brazil and Iraq. In the South America, the USA plans were established by the Washington Consensus, that were accepted unconditionally by the newly elected civilian presidents, while Iraq was invaded by the USA troops and an international coalition being obliged to accept the new status quo imposed by the world hegemonic power, in the beginning of the 90’s. On the other hand, the new Brazilian President, Fernando Color de Mello, broke off the diplomatic relations between Brazil and Iraq to accept unconditionally the USA imposition, but he did not finish his term, while Iraq faced its fate without accepting the USA manifesto.

This is an essay about the political development of Iraq after the overthrow of the Baath regime by the coalition forces in 2003. Almost seven years later, the political scene is still characterised by chaos, even though the country entered a new phase with the adoption of democratic thinking and a new openness to the world. The unstable political situation is a product of inter-ethnic conflict and the interference by neighbouring countries. Iraq is up against two formidable tasks – building democracy and building a nation. The essay sets out to explore the prospects of this dual mission. The essay breaks down into three distinct, theoretically motivated parts or sections. The first part is inspired by O’Donnell &amp; Schmitter’s transition theory and revolves around Iraq’s transition from dictatorship to democracy. The second part sets out to evaluate the development of democracy in Iraq after Saddam Hussein in the light of the seven institutional criteria of polyarchies as identified by Robert Dahl. The third part evaluates Iraq in terms of Arendt Lijphart’s groundbreaking theory about consensus as a pre-condition for democracy in highly divided societies. The investigation confirms the general picture of the political situation in Iraq as unstable but with one notable exception – the Kurdish region. The constitution testifies to the ambition to turn Iraq into a polyarchy with strong elements of consensual democracy, but the spirit of the constitution is frequently violated by government institutions and individual politicians. The consensual features have in fact served as safety valve for the ethnic and religious minorities of Iraq; but it is an open question whether they will survive the onslaught by Prime Minister Al-Maliki, a recent convert to the Westminster model. The unclear relationship between Islam and democracy also looms large in the background in a country like Iraq and must somehow be resolved by the governing elite.