Submitted by Alison Vanceto (alison-vanceto@hotmail.com) on 2016-09-13T13:45:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseDMF.pdf: 10665716 bytes, checksum: d144d15c2f61e6d64bacc51ae4b60a27 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-13T19:23:13Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseDMF.pdf: 10665716 bytes, checksum: d144d15c2f61e6d64bacc51ae4b60a27 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Marina Freitas (marinapf@ufscar.br) on 2016-09-13T19:23:25Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseDMF.pdf: 10665716 bytes, checksum: d144d15c2f61e6d64bacc51ae4b60a27 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-13T19:23:43Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TeseDMF.pdf: 10665716 bytes, checksum: d144d15c2f61e6d64bacc51ae4b60a27 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-03 / Não recebi financiamento / This paper discusses the different ways, uses and appropriations of the thought of Frantz Fanon in Brazil between the 1950s and the present day. The study approaches Wynter (1999) and Gordon (2015) to identify the perspective of sociogenesis the structural axis of fanoniano theoretical status, and Hall (1996) and Sekyi-Otu (1996) to recognize the author's thought the open joint and not completed theoretical and various political elements. From this evidence, it argues that the legacy of Fanon is claimed differently by different theoretical aspects, and sometimes conflicting. In Brazil, the reception of Fanon occurred under the influence of the third Worldism revolutionary and its focus on Les Damnés de la terre. Providing both the players connected to the left as readers more attuned to the black movement, a guided appropriation the polarization between colonizer and colonized and affirmation of identity (national or black) as opposed to colonization. But the contemporary period, marked by a growing interest in the reflections of Fanon, is structured by a greater diversity of approaches and theoretical focus, setting six sub-fields: 1.Estudos Postcolonial and the Diaspora; 2. Negritude; 3. Decolonial; 4. Whiteness; 5. Psychology; 6. National Ethos. / Este trabalho discute os diferentes caminhos, usos e apropriações do pensamento de Frantz Fanon no Brasil a partir da década de 1950. O estudo se aproxima das proposições de Wynter (1999) e Gordon (2015) ao identificar na perspectiva da sociogênese o eixo estruturante do estatuto teórico fanoniano, e de Hall (1996) e Sekyi-Otu (1996) ao reconhecer no pensamento do autor a articulação aberta e não concluída de elementos teóricos e políticos diversos. A partir dessa constatação, argumenta que o legado de Fanon será reivindicado de maneira diversa por vertentes teóricas distintas e, por vezes, conflitantes. No Brasil, a recepção de Fanon ocorreu sob a influência do terceiro-mundismo revolucionário, com o foco em Les Damnés de la terre., propiciando, tanto aos leitores ligados à esquerda quanto aos leitores mais afinados com o movimento negro, uma apropriação pautada pela polarização entre colonizador e colonizado e pela afirmação de uma identidade (nacional ou negra) em contraponto à colonização. Já o período contemporâneo, marcado por um crescente interesse nas reflexões de Fanon, estrutura-se por uma maior diversidade de abordagens e focos teóricos, configurando seis sub-campos: 1. Estudos Pós-coloniais e da Diáspora; 2 Negritude; 3. Decoloniais; 4. Branquitude; 5. Psicologia; 6. Ethos Nacional.

Tesis para optar al grado de Magíster en Estudios Latinoamericanos

This essay explores early twentieth century African American literature to investigate issues related to identity formation. It uses W.E.B. Du Bois’s The Souls of Black Folk and Frantz Fanon’s Black Skin, White Masks to introduce and define the socio-psychological concept of the moment of knowing, an original component of this work. The concept is composed of two occurrences: alienation and self-alienation, which can be observed and examined in nonictional and fictional texts. Within the framework of multicultural theory, the moment of knowing along with double-consciousness are explored in a close reading of Nella Larsen’s 1929 novel Passing. In conclusion, the moment of knowing is shown to be a significant part of African American identity formation, and the central characters in Larsen’s work are revealed as psychologically and socially scarred as a result of their inability to cope with their African American identity.

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What is the meaning of Fanonian liberation? That is the question that animates this work, which is (negatively) inspired by the reality of misanthropy, practical and theoretical, and neocolonialism, external and internal. To answer this question, I first situate Frantz Fanon within the larger discourse of liberation, emphasizing the relationship between his liberatory work and the work of Gustavo Gutiérrez, Paulo Freire, and Enrique Dussel. From there, I argue that there is today an unfortunate privileging of ethics, and that this privileging is used to discredit the political as an intersubjective domain. To establish (what I call) the primacy of politics, I carefully analyze Fanon's first book, Black Skin, White Masks, and his sociogenetic conclusions. I then turn to The Wretched of the Earth and to the phenomenon of petrification, which is, I contend, one of the most important features of colonialism and neocolonialism. To fully explain this phenomenon, I consider both its mythopoetic significance and its relationship to Jean-Paul Sartre's conception of seriousness. Finally, I argue that the solution to the problem of petrification can be found in Fanon's second book, A Dying Colonialism, in which there are rich descriptions of political playfulness and (what I call) philosophical archaeology, which can be defined as the descriptive and evaluative analysis of meanings as contingent human artifacts. / Philosophy

This dissertation analyzes the problem of political violence in popular struggles for freedom and regime change. It seeks not only to explicate the different arguments for and against the use of violence in political struggle, but also the extent to which these various ways set the conditions for the political landscape after the struggle. To do that, I engage the arguments of Frantz Fanon, M. K. Gandhi, and Hannah Arendt. While these authors diverge with regard to the role of violence in popular struggles, all three conceptualize ways to achieve nonviolent politics or at least to reduce the role of violence in normal everyday politics. While Fanon and Gandhi offer viable diagnoses of the problem of violence and liberation, by stressing the structural and affective dimensions of political violence, Arendt challenges the traditional equation between political power and violence and offers an institutional alternative in her theory of a federated council system. My analysis reconstructs the link between the critique of violence (state, colonial, or mass violence) and the constructive theory of foundation and preservation of stability and effective relations of trust. These relations of trust are necessary to prevent recurring violence and escalation in the period following the struggle. By analyzing the intersections of violence, political action, and ethics in the work of Fanon, Gandhi, and Arendt, I provide a theoretical framework for understanding the role of violence in popular struggles and everyday politics, while avoiding the limitations of each theory. The aim of this study is threefold: first, to provide an alternative to the prominent positions of realism and moralism in political philosophy through an evaluation of ethical argumentation in politics regarding the problem of violence; second, to contribute to debates about political freedom, and sovereignty in democratic theory through examination of different solutions for the conservation of power and freedom in the transition from struggle to ordinary politics; and third, to develop a critical lens with which to examine situations of conflict and popular struggles, the place of violence, and the transition to ordinary politics. By way of conclusion, I demonstrate the relevance of this study through examination of a concrete case from the Middle East: the Egyptian revolution of 2011. The theoretical framework set by the multifocal debate provides a resource to analyze the promise and the ensuing crisis of the Egyptian project. / Philosophy

The presence of human destitution, impoverishment and degradation in the midst of plenty has puzzled social thinkers for millennia. One of the oldest and grandest of theories: the theory of ideology attempts to provide an answer to the puzzle of domination in society. Michael Rosen, in his book On Voluntary Servitude (1996), argues that the solution provided by the theory of ideology is problematic. Furthermore, on the basis of his critique, Rosen argues that we should abandon the theory of ideology and consider alternatives to it. Even though many contemporary academics have turned away from the theory of ideology, because they view it as an imprisoning meta-theory, this study explores the possibility of there being a meta-theory that could help us to make sense of the world. Through an examination of Rosen's critique this thesis shows that Rosen is too quick in his dismissal of the theory of ideology because he fails to consider that a revised functionalist theory of ideology can be expanded to account for the mechanism(s) that ensure that, over time, the society in question acquires ideological consciousness to further its welfare. This thesis shows that Rosen is correct in his criticism of the theory of ideology's explanation of domination because the content, history and social effects of ideological consciousness cannot be fully explained in terms of their role in promoting or stabilising relations of domination. In light of Rosen's criticism the thesis shows that if one provides both an explanation of the psychological motivations of individuals and of the nature of the oppressive society in which they find themselves then what I call an integrated theory of ideology can be developed. In order to illustrate the importance of an integrated theory of ideology the study moves away from high-level theoretical abstraction to concrete social analyses, focusing on the work of Frantz Fanon and Steve Biko and their explanations of domination. The reason this study focuses on their work is because in their role as social scientists, Fanon and Biko provided a powerful critique of colonial, post-colonial and neo-colonial society. It will be argued that Fanon and Biko were able to provide a lasting critique of colonial reality because they offered their critique within the framework of such an integrated theory. Consequently, this study argues that, as Fanon and Biko's work illustrate, an integrated theory of ideology qua critical theory ought not to be abandoned because it is crucial for understanding and resisting forms of oppression that exist in the world today.

<p><font size="3"> <p>This qualitative study aims to use some of Frantz Fanon&rsquo / s critical insights to explore how individuals within the Health Sciences Faculty at the UCT experienced change and perceived the transformation process instituted by University management and the change taking place in the wider society. Frantz Fanon, a critical theorist born in a Martinique, university-educated in France and later employed in Algeria, wrote extensively on how the colonial condition affects the psychology of individuals, thus inter-linking psychology and politics. This study selected six individuals who had experienced the institutional context before and during the process of transformation. Data was collected by way of unstructured interview schedules. A Fanonian psychoanalytic-inspired discourse analysis was employed to analyse the data. The data showed that broader discourses influences the way people talk about phenomena. Our past still plays a role in the way we construct current realities.</p> </font></p>