This research study investigated the conceptions of press freedom from the Islamic perspective. It examined how certain segments of Malaysian society, including government officers, religious leaders, members of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and members of political parties, perceive press freedom in their country. Compared to previous studies on media freedom or press freedom in Malaysia, this study offered a comprehensive analysis of variables significantly related to the conceptualisation and practice of press freedom, which include economic development, information and communication technologies (ICTs) and globalisation. One significant difference between this study and previous studies was the specific examination of Islamic conceptions of press freedom, which represents a major contribution to existing knowledge. As Malaysia is a complex multi-racial and multi-religious nation, factors such as national ideologies and cultural values were addressed when examining conceptions of press freedom. Due to the focus of the study, two types of framework were utilised: an Islamic theoretical framework and media theories developed by Western scholars. Methodologically, this study employed an ethnographic approach for analysing Islamic conceptualisations of press freedom. A combination of three qualitative research techniques - in-depth face-to-face interviews, examination of archival documents, and personal observations - was utilised to investigate the issues identified in relation to perceptions of press freedom in Malaysia. In-depth face-to-face interviews involved the participation of staff and members from ten organisations and individuals who were not affiliated with these organisations. The organisations involved in this study were: Ministry of Internal Security Malaysia (MOIS); Institute of Islamic Understanding Malaysia (IKIM); Islamic Da’wah Foundation Malaysia (YADIM); Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia (ABIM); Pertubuhan Jamaah Islah Malaysia (JIM); Centre for Independent Journalism (CIJ); Suara Rakyat Malaysia (SUARAM); Islamic Party of Malaysia (PAS), People’s Justice Party (PKR); and Puteri UMNO. The archival documents analysed in this study were gathered from these ten organisations. However, due to certain organisational policies and security concerns, personal observations were only conducted at eight organisations, IKIM, YADIM, ABIM, JIM, CIJ, SUARAM, PAS and PKR. The data were analysed using thematic analysis. The results of the data analysis were triangulated to ascertain the extent to which the information obtained was consistent or inconsistent across sources. The findings of the study showed that there were diverse views among respondents on what constitutes an Islamic press freedom in a multi-racial and multi-religious Malaysia. Due to the different levels of Islamic understanding and divergent interpretations of Islam among Muslims, especially among members of political parties, this study also found that the Islamic theory of press freedom is a highly contested concept. More often than not, the respondents of these organisations claimed that Islamic conceptualisations of press freedom should be based on their personal versions of Islam.

The aim of the thesis is comparative analysis. I compare part of the index of economic freedom concerned business freedom and labour market, with public inquiry research of entrepreneurial costs connected with state regulation. I focus on the corruption theme and it's influence to the economic freedom. In the first part I describe basic researches of economic freedom. In the second and third part I attend to theory of labour market and business regulation. I describe situation of entrepreneurs in the Czech republic, their problems and expenses connected with state administrative and bureaucracy and also their troubles with employees hiring at labour market. The thesis come to conclusion about excessive corruption disutility, expenses of taxes and entry to business.

The concept freedom is frequently used in political discussions without awareness of the multiple meanings it potentially contains. In order to act on today’s climate challenge, freedom has come to play an essential role as something we either have to sacrifice or insist on protecting. However, freedom is an abstract concept and may involve different perceptions among people - also in politics. Using qualitative interviews, this study finds multiple notionsof freedom among Danish party members across the political parties. The party members are identified to subscribe to two main perceptions: individual freedom and collective freedom. The analysis shows that freedom is not purely divisible by Isiah Berlin’s categories where thestate either interferes or refrains from interference, but rather that state interference can align with each of the two main perceptions. Whilst some of the party members subscribe solely to individual freedom, the majority are found to switch depending on if the political issue involves economic freedom or not. By comparing the party members’ varying positions on the political issues; climate, freedom of religion, and tax and social benefits, with the standpoint of their parties, it points towards a correlation between the notion of freedom and the political position.The findings indicate that we do not need a new perception of freedom to achieve the green transition. Instead, we must utilise the existence of different perceptions of freedom and devise a solution where individual freedom can align with the green transition.

Thesis (M.Ed.)--University of South Africa, 1998.

La manifestation est un sujet d’actualité et un phénomène en voie de devenir mondial. En ce domaine la Thaïlande fait figure de pays pionnier. En effet les manifestations de rue y sont fréquentes et souvent violentes. La présente étude a d’abord pour objet de s’interroger sur les raisons du recours massif à cette liberté par le peuple et sa perception par le Droit. Dans ce pays la manifestation répond à une tradition constante d’expression des idées et des opinions, grâce à une contestation politique en groupe et sur la voie publique. Elle est consacrée en tant que liberté constitutionnelle dans les vingt Constitutions, que ce soit de manière explicite ou implicite mais sans être pour autant distinguée de la liberté de réunion. Il est dès lors utile d’analyser cette conception de la liberté de manifestation. Cependant il importe également de comprendre pourquoi le nombre de manifestations augmente considérablement en Thaïlande. Selon l’auteur, le principal élément de réponse est à rechercher dans le système institutionnel et politique thaïlandais. Celui-ci permet rarement un débat pluraliste au sein du Parlement. L’instabilité constitutionnelle, les successions de putschs militaires, accentuent la crise de la démocratie représentative. La solution à ce danger doit-elle être trouvée non plus dans le droit mais dans un devoir de manifester ? Sans doute, car la Thaïlande donne l’exemple de l’urgence d’instituer des mécanismes associant davantage le citoyen à la décision publique, conduisant à l’instauration d’une démocratie participative et continue. Lorsque le bon fonctionnement de ces mécanismes est mis à mal, le recours à la liberté de manifestation devient une nécessité / The manifestation is an important issue as it has become a world phenomenon. Concerning this subject, Thailand is considered a pioneer country. The street manifestations occur frequently and often in a violent manner. This study aimed to raise question as to why people exercise this freedom and what are the perceptions of law toward these situations. In this country manifestation responds to a constant tradition of expression of ideas and opinions, as a result of a political group contestation on the street. Principally manifestation is recognized as a constitutional freedom in twenty Constitutions, whether explicitly or implicitly without being distinguished from freedom of assembly. It is therefore necessary to analyze such conception of freedom of manifestation. In addition to the above, it is important to understand the reasons as to why the number of manifestations has been increasing considerably in Thailand. According to the author, the principal element of the reason derives from conducting a research in the institutional and political system. The system hardly allows a pluralistic debate in Parliament. The constitutional instability, the successions of military putsches, have emphasized the crisis of representative democracy. Is it possible that the solution of this danger should no longer be founded in a right but in a duty to manifest? Since Thailand is an example underlining the urgency of introducing the mechanisms which involve citizens in making public decision, these mechanisms lead to the establishment of participatory and continuous democracy. When these mechanisms fail to function accordingly, an exercise of freedom of manifestation becomes a necessity

The conflict inherent in balancing freedom of the press and the right to privacy invariably presents some controversial legal issues. In addressing the legal dilemmas posed by these competing interests, an in-depth analysis of the conceptual value of these two equally important rights becomes a preliminary starting point. Through its exploration of the history and development of the press and privacy laws in both the United States and Canada, this thesis examines the fundamental values enshrined in these two rights. The author holds that the freedom of the press contains no privilege under the law, but that it serves as the means to promote the public's right to know in a democratic society, while the right to privacy offers an individual the autonomy to regulate his private affairs. By analyzing arguments of "pubic interest," "public figure," and "public privacy," the author compares the theoretical approaches to and practical attempts at striking a balance between the interests of the press and the privacy of the individual in the United States and Canada. Finally, the essay proposes how these experiences may contribute to the construction of relevant Chinese laws.

The problem of the study was to analyze conditions of the South African press, including effects of apartheid legislation on the free flow of information. The method of research was mail questionnaire to editors of twenty-two South African daily newspapers. The study showed that the South African press is restricted by legislation and additional laws are expected. Other information from the study includes the following: at least four main laws impede the free flow of information; the press has ready access to government officials; Die Burger and The Star are considered the most influential newspapers; and Prime Minister Vorster's recent advice that the press "put your house in order" seems aimed largely at key English-language newspapers.

No description available.

This thesis aims to provide an understanding of the phenomenon of citizen censorship in India and its implications for free speech. It is especially concerned with public protests where groups of citizens demand government action in order to ban or censor controversial material. These groups tend to invoke feelings of offense or hurt religious sentiments as a justification for restriction. The point of departure of this thesis is research on social movement outcomes and the history of Indian censorship. A quantitative approach is adopted, which includes data of protest events from 2010 to 2015. The author will demonstrate that restrictions on free speech coincide with protest events in three out of ten cases. A shorter case study of the controversy surrounding the film Vishwaroopam provides a concrete example of the dynamics of citizen censorship and aims to highlight some aspects that might have affected protest outcomes. Ultimately, the author concludes that protests are likely to be influential for restrictions on free speech, and that the role of the citizen as censor should not be ignored.

Article 82 is traditionally analysed as a tool to integrate and liberalise the European Single Market and to protect competition from distortion. As such there is no comprehensive discussion of the tensions that lie at the centre of the objective of protecting competition in the current rethinking of Article 82. With regard to exclusionary abuses, DG Competition has articulated that the main objective of Article 82 is the protection of competition in the market as a means of enhancing consumer welfare and of ensuring an efficient allocation of resources. This statement may conflict with some of the case law protecting the economic freedom of the market players derived from ordoliberalism. The latter is a well respected German legal tradition that holds both that government needs to be restrained from abuse of power, and that the free market has its limits. Economic rights deserve protection and vigilance is needed to ensure economic power is not misused or abused, not only in the interests of consumer welfare, but also in the interests of the economic liberty of the individual. This thesis considers the tension between the goals of protecting economic freedom and the promotion of consumer welfare in the application of Article 82. Presupposing that economic freedom and consumer welfare are in opposition to one another, such tension is only set to intensify and must be given appropriate weight in considering the extent to which DG Competition can or should try to move to a consumer welfare standard. Changing the interpretation of protection of competition from economic freedom to consumer welfare within Article 82 can undermine a fundamental right if economic freedom is considered a fundamental right in the Community legal order. However, consumer welfare can also be seen as an opportunity, if properly debated or agreed to by the ECJ, to adopt a more economics-based approach to Article 82.