This article uses the theory of strategic narrative to study the way Brazil presented its conditional cash-transfer program Bolsa Família abroad. More specifically, it studies where and how that message was received under both Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff from 2003- 2014. Previous academic work on the Bolsa Familia has not addressed how it fits within the larger Brazilian foreign policy strategy of the 21st century to increase autonomy in its international relations, especially with developing countries in the \"Global South.\" As such, this article attempts to address this deficit by using text analysis of twenty-seven countries\' English- speaking media coverage of the program to hypothesize that Brazil used the program as an extension of its activist foreign policy to create a larger international role for itself. The timeframe for the article begins with Lula\'s expansion of the program during his first term in 2003, at a time when Brazilian foreign policy shifted towards greater insertion of national autonomy into a Western-dominated international system. Whereas Lula\'s foreign policy worked to reignite Brazil\'s long-held ambitions for international relevance, Dilma\'s administration oversaw the end of Brazil\'s \"ascension\" moment, based on a decline in foreign investment, administrative malfeasance, a declining economy, and an abandonment of previous insertion strategies such as \"activist\" foreign outreach and a commitment to exerting political capital abroad. Even though the Bolsa Família remained a constant throughout both Lula and Dilma\'s administrations, the findings from this article suggest a change in international perception between the two leaders\' administrations, giving credence to the idea that for Brazil, the figure who drives the narrative is important. From the \"Global North,\" the American, Australian, Canadian, and English media generally trended from positive to negative sentiment between Lula and Dilma\'s term, while developing countries such as Nigeria, Zimbabwe, Pakistan, India, and Ghana reacted gave a warmer reception to it. These findings suggest that Brazil\'s strategic narrative was best received by partners in the Global South, suggesting a correlation with Lula\'s ambitious foreign policy approach that expanded a foundation present in the Fernando Henrique Cardoso administration to attract Southern allies. / Este artigo usa a teoria da narrativa estratégica para analisar o modo como o Brasil utilizou no exterior a ideia do Bolsa Família, o programa do país de transferência de renda condicional. Mais especificamente, estuda-se onde e como a mensagem do programa foi recebida, tanto na era Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva como na era Dilma Rousseff (2003-2014). Trabalhos acadêmicos anteriores não avaliam como o Bolsa Família se encaixa no amplo quadro estratégico da Política Externa Brasileira no século XXI para aumentar a autonomia do Brasil nas relações internacionais, especialmente com países em desenvolvimento do Sul Global. Assim sendo, este artigo tem por objetivo preencher essa lacuna fazendo uma análise de texto da cobertura midiática sobre o programa em vinte e sete países com pelo menos um jornal que publica em inglês. Enquanto a política externa de Lula trabalhou para reacender antigas ambições brasileiras de relevância internacional, a administração de Dilma teve que lidar com o fim do período de ascensão, com um declínio no investimento estrangeiro, corrupção na administração pública, declínio econômico e um abandono das estratégias de inserção prévias, como um amplo e ativo escopo de ação internacional e um comprometimento em investir capital político no exterior. Apesar da continuidade do Bolsa Família em todo período dos mandatos de Lula e Dilma, os achados deste artigo sugerem uma mudança na percepção internacional entre os governos dos dois líderes, deixando robusta a ideia de que, para o Brasil, a figura que conduz a narrativa é importante. Para o Norte Global, a mídia americana, australiana, canadense e inglesa tenderam de um sentimento positivo para um negativo entre os mandatos de Lula e Dilma, enquanto que países em desenvolvimento como Nigéria, Zimbábue, Paquistão, Índia, e Gana reagiram de forma mais aberta no mesmo período. Os achados sugerem que a narrativa estratégica brasileira foi melhor recebida por parceiros no Sul Global, sugerindo também uma correlação entre a mudança para uma política externa de maior escopo de Lula para atrair aliados do Sul.

Kiva is an international non-governmental organization that competes for funds with others in the field. As a consequence, some special relationships and dependencies are formed. This paper argues that among the most significant ones are the representations of borrowers on Kiva’s online lending platform. The work hypothesizes that while Kiva has the potential to create a friendly environment where both participatory and problem-solving style of communication is encouraged, the organization turns out to be a development factor with international importance which inevitably influences the stereotyping of individuals from the Global South. In that sense, the representations of people from the Global South on Kiva’s online platform seem to continue a well-established tradition of Western-centrism, thus admitting further stereotyping also of the audience from the Global North.Through the lens of postcolonial theory and critical discourse analysis as research methods, the research questions and the hypotheses of the paper aim at contributing to the current debates on the existing power relations between the Global South and North by providing information on: how are people in need represented through profiles of single parents as borrowers on Kiva’s website; do representations of single parents contribute to the process of creating stereotypes; what is the role of microfinance in development.By using the most recent data from Kiva's online lending platform, the work aims to present evidence on the stereotypization of representations of a specific sample group of borrowers – individual single parents. While taking into consideration Kiva's ambition towards creating cooperation based on reciprocal dignity, the paper provides some possible interpretations of the way individuals in need are portrayed. It aims to come to the aid of individuals who have interests in the development field, who may want to rethink fundraising strategies involving both visual and textual representations of people, especially in the field of online lending.

No description available.

Woke-washing gives companies the possibility to take advantage of the consumers social, environmental, and political values to improve business. In contrast to corporate social responsibility (CSR) and green-washing, woke-washing is a new term in the global north andthere is a lack of understanding to what extent it is relevant to the global south contexts. The purpose of this study was to explore how, and to what extent woke-washing arguments are usedwithin the published peer-review literature focusing on CSR discourse among business firms with operations in developing countries. The study was conducted through a structured literature review and an interpretative content analysis, and the results were discussed with thehelp of intersectionality and the decolonial approach of border thinking. This study concludes that arguments related to woke-washing are to be found within the literature on companies CSRoperations in developing countries. However, the power structures that affects who conduct the “washing” vary across developing countries. The woke-washing phenomenon that connects to the arguments in the literature shows that through CSR-initiatives companies, operating indeveloping countries, try to satisfy consumers. Since the values of the consumer in the global north differs from the values in the global south, the consumer from the global north alsocontributes to woke-washing. This is not true for all CSR-operations by businesses in the global south, however, it is a large enough occurrence that the discussion needs more attention in future research.

Cities in the Global South are undergoing rapid urbanization, where a high percentage of the urban poor live in informal settlements that lack basic services, are associated with unemployment, low-income levels, and insecurity. The impacts of climate change, intensive agricultural practices, and highly globalized food systems pose challenges to food security. Urban farming is one of the alternative practices to tackle food insecurity and urban poverty. In this study, urban farming was examined through grassroots innovation theory, which focuses on creating innovative sustainable development solutions from the bottom up. However, insufficient research has been done on urban farming initiatives in highly deprived areas. A qualitative approach was adopted, where semi-structured interviews were conducted, that were triangulated with observation and documentation data, providing multiple sources of support. The data was analysed through the Resources-Rationales-Relations Framework, which has been also used by other researchers to analyse grassroots initiatives. The results demonstrate that water is a crucial resource in urban farming grassroots initiatives, as water availability is limited due to droughts and climate change. Furthermore, resource-scarce environments experience limited access to water due to the unequal distribution of resources. Another identified resource that urban farming grassroots initiatives imply is climate-smart innovative technologies, such as the hydroponic system, that gives farmers good exposure. Sustainable livelihood creation was the main rationale to be involved in urban farming grassroots initiatives, by creating employment, giving back to the community, and influencing youth’s food and lifestyle choices. Relations were found to be crucial between farmers and organizational intermediaries, as they have increased their visibility and enabled them to engage with a wider context. The study concludes that the urban sustainability transition in Global South’s informal settlements is achieved when it cuts through all three levels of knowledge production, which was done by the climate-smart innovative farming technologies that raise attention and interest beyond the local context up to the political arena.

Mathare as an informal settlement of the Global South which suffers from an inconsistent water supply and periods of scarcity, relies for its provision on water vendors. This dissertation strives to advance scholarly debates on understanding the production and governance of the ‘actual water supply’ beyond and in relation to the centralised piped water network, and to thinking the conditions for possible change to modes of water supply. An empirical investigation was conducted on certain temporalities of change and continuity in the relational practices of governance actors of the water provision, the water vendors, situated in the informal settlement of Mathare in Nairobi, Kenya. As such, experiences of water scarcity among the water vendors are suggested to contribute to shape Mathare’s water provision by motivating practices circulation, especially regarding water storage. The water vendors might also crucially sustain and re-configure rules, interact with, and be affected by artefacts involved in the water infrastructure through practices of maintenance, repair, but also decay through temporary events of water infrastructure disruption. In turn, looking at relations shaping the water governance, stable relations are suggested to be re-produced through ‘twilight’ actors and temporal modalities in the water infrastructure.

[pt] O campo da Economia Política Internacional (EPI) é tradicionalmente composto por acadêmicos ocidentais e concentra-se na literatura clássica europeia, com três abordagens clássicas, que são o liberalismo, o nacionalismo e o marxismo. Tendo em mente que o termo internacional pressupõe um alcance global da disciplina, é relevante compreender os esforços de teorização do campo por parte de acadêmicos do Sul Global, que entendem temas como mercado, Estado e desenvolvimento a partir da perspectiva de fora da Europa, influenciados inclusive pelas suas próprias filosofias autóctones e milenares. Sendo a China um poder hegemônico em ascensão e dispondo de uma bagagem filosófica e científica antiga, é importante compreender como os acadêmicos chineses da área entendem a EPI, de forma que o pensamento chinês possa ser definido seja em aspectos ocidentais clássicos ou mesmo compondo novos aspectos específicos para a China, o que potencialmente pode transformar a disciplina como um todo. Esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar temas da Economia Política Internacional, como desenvolvimento, promoção da indústria, protecionismo, mais-valia, relações entre Estado e mercado à luz do pensamento moderno e antigo dos próprios chineses, em diálogo com a EPI tradicional (majoritariamente anglo-saxã, mas não apenas), especialmente o Nacionalismo Suniano, Confucionismo, Taoísmo e do sistema Tiangxia de ordem mundial. Essa análise nos permite concluir que o pensamento autóctone da China é muito mais do que uma mistura de abordagens ocidentais: ele compõe a sua própria abordagem única que pode mudar a disciplina em direção a novas formas de compreensão da Economia Política Internacional. / [en] The field of International Political Economy (IPE) is traditionally comprised of Western scholars and focuses on classical European literature, composed of three classical approaches, which are liberalism, nationalism and Marxism. Bearing in mind that the term international presupposes a global reach of the discipline, it is relevant to understand the efforts to theorize the field by academics from the Global South, who understand themes such as market, State and development from the perspective of outside Europe, even influenced by their own indigenous and ancient philosophies. As China is a rising hegemonic power and has ancient philosophical and scientific background, it is important to understand how Chinese academics in the field understand IPE, so that Chinese thought can be defined either in classical Western aspects or even composing new aspects specific to China, which could potentially transform the discipline. This dissertation aims to analyse themes of International Political Economy, such as development, promotion of industry, protectionism, surplus value, relations between State and market in the light of the modern and ancient thought of the Chinese themselves, in dialogue with traditional IPE (mostly Anglo-Saxon, but not only), especially Sunian Nationalism, Confucianism, Taoism and the Tiangxia system of world order. This analysis allows us to conclude that China s indigenous thought is much more than a mixture of Western approaches: it composes its own unique approach that can shift the discipline towards new ways of understanding International Political Economy.

Missio Dei is a phrase used to describe the mission of God, as revealed in Scripture. One of the key verses to understanding the ultimate goal of God’s mission is the vision of heaven given to the Apostle John in the Book of Revelation, “After this I looked and there before me was a great multitude that no one could count, from every nation, tribe, people, and language, standing before the throne and before the Lamb…” (Rev 7:9). God’s mission is to have for Himself a special redeemed people from every ‘People Group’ on earth. In Trinitarian Missio Dei, God is a ‘sending’ God, who sent Himself in pursuit of lost mankind; who sent His Son, Jesus to bear the sins of a lost world upon His body on the Cross; and who sent the Holy Spirit to instruct and empower the Church, which is commissioned and sent forth to carry on His mission of having a people from among all ‘Peoples’ of the earth. The shift in the center of gravity of world Christianity from the Global North to the Global South can be seen as God’s divine orchestration in raising up a mighty army, who will take the Gospel to the remaining unreached, unengaged ‘Peoples’. The Chinese house church networks have sensed God’s calling to take the Gospel ‘back to Jerusalem’ crossing the Buddhist, Hindu, and Muslim worlds, along the ancient eastern Silk Routes. As part of this Global South migration, Chinese are already living in over 140 countries around the world, where many of these unreached ‘People Groups’ are located. We see the Nestorian ‘merchant missionaries’ as a model for Chinese migrants to fulfill God’s calling to complete the ‘Great Commission’ mandate. / PhD (Missiology), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

Missio Dei is a phrase used to describe the mission of God, as revealed in Scripture. One of the key verses to understanding the ultimate goal of God’s mission is the vision of heaven given to the Apostle John in the Book of Revelation, “After this I looked and there before me was a great multitude that no one could count, from every nation, tribe, people, and language, standing before the throne and before the Lamb…” (Rev 7:9). God’s mission is to have for Himself a special redeemed people from every ‘People Group’ on earth. In Trinitarian Missio Dei, God is a ‘sending’ God, who sent Himself in pursuit of lost mankind; who sent His Son, Jesus to bear the sins of a lost world upon His body on the Cross; and who sent the Holy Spirit to instruct and empower the Church, which is commissioned and sent forth to carry on His mission of having a people from among all ‘Peoples’ of the earth. The shift in the center of gravity of world Christianity from the Global North to the Global South can be seen as God’s divine orchestration in raising up a mighty army, who will take the Gospel to the remaining unreached, unengaged ‘Peoples’. The Chinese house church networks have sensed God’s calling to take the Gospel ‘back to Jerusalem’ crossing the Buddhist, Hindu, and Muslim worlds, along the ancient eastern Silk Routes. As part of this Global South migration, Chinese are already living in over 140 countries around the world, where many of these unreached ‘People Groups’ are located. We see the Nestorian ‘merchant missionaries’ as a model for Chinese migrants to fulfill God’s calling to complete the ‘Great Commission’ mandate. / PhD (Missiology), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2015

Heavy Metal is a peculiar music genre, made by fans for fans, which spread throughout the entire planet and became, over its five decades of existence, a global community as well. These aspects of Heavy Metal make it a very interesting phenomenon to study. Heavy Metal has previously been researched with a micro outlook on its local connotations in several different Global South countries, analyzing one at a time. As far as the whole Global Metal community is concerned, to this day, there seems to be no literature that is based on the Global South perspective, but only on the Western one. As it has not been attempted to study Global Metal with a macro outlook and to take a broader perspective on it, this research employs a larger view on the Global South’s point of view on Metal culture. Therefore this study aims at giving possible explanations about the reasons behind Heavy Metal worldwide spread. Results will show how further Heavy Metal reception studies on Global South metalheads should be approached through the lens of the Cosmopolitan paradigm; how the metalheads of the sample tend to indicate Death Metal as the most spread sub-genre and to describe themselves as open minded and tolerant. This research helps showing a slight tendency of metalheads to consider themselves part of a Global community, which is defined more like a family, underlining their inclination towards cosmopolitanism. Finally it will show how there should be a broader study on the sense making of well-known songs to determine whether or not there is a certain degree of similar interpretation across different cultures.