This study is carried out during the spring of 2015 and six semi-structured interviews are conducted to form the basis of a case study. Its aim is to map and analyze the integration work performed in the municipality of Nässjö. The purpose of this study is to survey the work being performed in the municipality of Nässjö regarding integration of immigrants, and to identify crucial factors related to a potential collaboration between actors from the public sector and the civil society. - How are the chosen participants working with integration in the municipality of Nässjö? - In what way are the chosen participants currently cooperating with the public sector and the civil society in the municipality of Nässjö regarding integration? - How do the chosen participants find the idea of a joint collaboration regarding integration, between the public sector and the civil society in the municipality of Nässjö? With the use of an analyze model called “the constant comparative method”, the study compares and interprets the collected data. All of the informants are representatives of their respective establishment which either belonged to the civil society or to the public sector in the municipality of Nässjö. To assess whether the integration actors are susceptible to the idea of working collaboratively, their responses are compared to a theoretical framework called “collaborative governance”. The collected data is also set in relation to previous research regarding the situation of integration policies in Sweden. The result chapter displays the work performed by the interviewed establishments and the extent of their cooperation to improve the integration process of immigrants in the municipality. It also lists the various challenges the actors face and the possibility for one of them to have a leading role in a comprehensive and joint collaboration. The case study illuminates a reality where no common goal regarding integration exists amongst the selected actors. Complicated bureaucracy and regulations constitute discouraging factors that adversely affect the will of civil society actors to engage in collaboration with the public sector. The level of communication within the municipality is highly fragmented, it is found to be more developed within the civil society and to a lesser extent within the public sector. Finally, the case study suggests that there is no history of antagonism among the actors within the civil society. / I den pågående globala övergången till allt mer mångkulturella samhällen sker stora folkförflyttningar och effekterna av dessa blir allt tydligare för var dag. Förändringen som följer med en ökad immigration till ett mottagarland kan ibland vara svårhanterlig och i vissa fall resultera i ökad främlingsfientlighet, segregation och utanförskap. I Sverige existerar för närvarande ingen svensk nationell definition av vad integration innebär eller när denna process skulle kunna anses vara fullständig. Detta har lett till att de integrationsinsatser som görs runt om i landet kan vara både bristfälligt koordinerade och utan klara målsättningar. Via en beskrivande och kvalitativ fallstudie, där semistrukturerade intervjuer genomförs, granskar denna studie existerande integrationsarbete i Nässjö kommun, Småland. Fokus ligger kring ett eventuellt utvecklande av samverkan mellan den offentliga sektorn och det civila samhället i kommunen. För att identifiera existerande faktorer, vilka kan vara av relevans vid skapandet av en sådan samverkan, har sex stycken integrationsaktörer fått delge sina tankar och åsikter. Fallstudien identifierar fyra faktorer vilka kan komma att visa sig inverka på möjligheterna till en utökad samverkan mellan offentlig sektor och civilsamhälle, två nationella och två lokala. De två nationella faktorerna, vilka är av försvårande karaktär, är: avsaknaden av integrationsdefinition och existerande svensk byråkrati med tillhörande regelverk. De två lokala faktorerna, vilka istället har en främjande karaktär, är: fördelaktigt kommunikationslandskap och avsaknad av tidigare motsättningar mellan aktörer i Nässjö kommun.

The topic of this paper revolves around the security environment of the wider Black Sea region, with a focus on three protagonist states, and an alliance: Russia, the United States of America, Romania, and NATO. This work comes as a response to the normative demand of avoiding an inter-state conflict in this part of the world, an area already characterized by deep mistrust, frozen conflicts, separatist movements, transnational organized crime, terrorism, and great-power struggle between holders of nuclear capabilities. The objective of this paper is explanatory, namely to help pinpoint the root causes of potential conflict between regional players. By pursuing a Defensive Realist approach, it is suggested that perception of insecurity lies at the heart of the negative dynamics. It is the inter-state security dilemma that could have the ultimate effect of transforming tensions into a spiral of conflict, unless such dilemma is mitigated through its regulators. Therefore, ‘by alleviating the security dilemma, conflict in the wider Black Sea region can be avoided’. The testing of this hypothesis constitutes the contents of this paper. The conclusion of the thesis confirms the expected results, namely that there is a security dilemma operating in the wider Black Sea Region, and that the regulators have the ability to influence its escalation, yet particular specifications are to be observed.

This thesis paper is based on Ian Manners Normative Power Europe-theory with a focus on EU’s military operation in Somalia. By examining documents from EU institutions in the form of reports concerning EU NAVFOR – Operation ATALANTA – EUTM Somalia – EUCAP NESTOR. This study shows that the Normative Power Europe-theory can get expressed and that the EU continues its normative statements in Somalia. This result is an interesting contribution to the theory of Normative Power Europe witch have gotten a lot of critic about how a military operation should effect and diminish the theory.

The Veiled Party: A Discourse Analysis of Sweden Democratic Texts aims to further the understanding of the underlying ideology of the Sweden Democratic party, by revealing whether or not there is any ideological content that include race, racialization, and racism in the party’s political texts. The study offers a background description of the discursive change in the social and political climate of debate in Sweden, which opened a policy window for xenophobic agenda setting. In addition, the study delivers a presentation of the public debate regarding the Sweden Democrats, as well as statements by party representatives.Through a social constructionist and discourse analytic framework, the study aims at understanding how the application of racial ideas are done and mapped. The core of the theoretical framework is a critical race and whiteness theoretical approach. Throughout the study, race is treated as a social construct. Furthermore, a presentation is made of the theoretical arguments on an essentialist view of culture and its changing discourse, imbuing culture with the same functions as the concept of race in relation to (biological) racism. It is a reduction of man to a vessel of spiritual, transferrable cultural characteristics, which through racialization becomes embodied categories. The analysis of the texts shows that the party is imbued with essentialist beliefs regarding culture, nation, and people. The human essence is perceived as being passed down through the generations in an undefined and mysterious manner, and equips people with the same meaning as the mystical concept of racial souls. The Sweden Democrats’ ideological reasoning thus creates a concept of culture that becomes a functional synonym to the idea of race. / Det beslöjade partiet: En diskursanalys av sverigedemokratiska texter bidrar till att öka förståelsen av Sverigedemokraternas ideologi genom att undersöka om det i partiets politiska texter finns något ideologiskt gods som innefattar ras, rasifiering och rasism. Arbetet inleds med en bakgrundsbeskrivning av den diskursiva förändring av samhällsdebatten och som öppnade upp för en främlingsfientlig agendasättning. Vidare redogörs för debatten om Sverigedemokraterna och uttalanden gjorda av partiets företrädare.Genom ett socialkonstruktionistiskt och diskursanalystiskt ramverk tar uppsatsen sikte på att förstå hur tillämpningen av rasidéer i sverigedemokratiska texter skapas och ser ut. För det teoretiska ramverket står kritisk ras- och vithetsteori samt rasifieringsteori. Genom arbetet betraktas ras som en samhälleligt dold historisk och politisk konstruktion som ständigt produceras och reproduceras kulturellt och socialt. Vidare presenteras teoretiska resonemang på hur en essentialistisk kultursyn omskapar kulturbegreppet till att få samma funktion som rasbegreppet; människan reduceras till bärare av andligt överförbara kulturella egenskaper som genom rasifiering förkroppsligas.Med den teoretiska och metodologiska verktygslådan avkodades principprogrammet för att ge svar åt uppsatsens syfte: Analysen av texterna visar att partiet är genomsyrat av essentialistiska uppfattningar rörande kultur, folk och nation. Den mänskliga essensen går i arv genom generationerna på ett odefinierat mystisk sätt och utrustar människor med innebörden för rassjälar. I partiets ideologiska resonemang skapas ett kulturbegrepp som blir rasföreställningarnas funktionella motsvarighet.

No description available.

This    qualitative research investigates the social positions of Peruvian female migrants in the Catalan labour market in Spain. It questions how social categories interactin order to determine the social positions of individuals, a nd how the positions can be related to a global  world structure.   Four unstructured life story interviews with  Peruvian women resident in  Catalonia were realized in December 2014. The interviews and two previously made studies have then been reviewed by a narrative analysis. The research formed a theoretical framework of intersectionality interpreted by Nina Yuval-Davis, and a globalization and female migration theory by Saskia Sassen.  The analysis with the  implementation of theories showed that nationality has a particularly strong influence in the intersection of social categories, though one must understand how all the identifications lay imbedded in each other in order to determine the social position of each individual. It was  also concluded that an intersection of the identifications of the individuals interacts with global structures in order to determine the  social positions of the study participants in the Catalan labour market.The city of Barcelona  could through the lives of the four Peruvian females be seen as an economic centre that demands cheap labour by migrants, and where the social positions in the labour market can show a division of core and peripheral countries.

Denna studie handlar om hur krisledningsgruppen i Kramfors samverkade under översvämningen som drabbade kommunen hösten 2013. Varför en översvämning och Kramfors valdes var på grund av att det är intressant att studera samverkan efter en inträffad händelse. Dessutom är det en händelse som har skett i Västernorrland och passade bra att studera på grund av det geografiska läget. Glasbergens samverkanstrappa valdes ut som teoretiskt ramverk i uppsatsen. Den valdes då den kan användas för att förstå strukturerna inom krisledningsgruppen. Totalt finns det fem olika analysnivåer i samverkanstrappan och tre av dessa valdes ut för att analysera denna händelse, nivå två, tre och fem. Dessa nivåer innefattar bland annat vilken gemensam grund som finns i krisledningsgruppen, hur formell krisledningsgruppens samverkan är samt vilka effekter samverkan hade för gruppens fortsatta arbete. Materialet samlades in i form av intervjuer med utvalda aktörer i krisledningsgruppen. Under analysen av intervjuerna framkom det att samtliga aktörer känner ett ömsesidigt beroende gentemot varandra och att samtliga anser att det är viktigt att samverka. Vilken form av samverkan det handlade om skiljde sig mellan aktörerna. Svaren gällande frågan om rollfördelningen inom gruppen skiljde sig också. Det handlade om vem som har beslutanderätt i gruppen och om exempelvis externa aktörer ska bjudas in eller inte. Resultatet visar att aktörerna inte var överens om sin egen roll eller om det fanns någon som hade beslutanderätt i krisledningsgruppen. Detta ger frågetecken kring hur formell gruppen egentligen är. Aktörerna ansåg att samverkan och hanteringen av översvämningen fungerade bra med några få invändningar. Dessa handlade främst om hur samverkan med externa aktörer gick men även om interna faktorer som exempelvis hur snabbt mötesanteckningarna spreds vidare till förvaltningarna. De interna faktorerna har lett till förändringar i krisledningsgruppens interna arbete, alltså har översvämningen haft effekt på gruppens arbete.

The response to many on-going or emerging conflicts since the beginning of the 21st century has been different forms of multinational complex peace operations. Civil-military relations are a commonly studied field that traditionally has its focus on nations. This study intends, in the context of organisations, to test the correlation between a civil-military approach and outcome in complex peace operations. A hypothesis has been deduced from researcher Robert Egnell’s theory on complex peace operations, that states that: UN peace operations with an integrated civil-military approach are more successful in achieving their goals than peace operations with a divided approach. This hypothesis is tested by comparing the outcome of two different complex peace operations with diverse approaches to civil-military relations. The cases were selected by a comparative design and thereafter thoroughly analysed in relation to their respective goals. The analysis revealed that the integrated UN approach in Sierra Leone through UNAMSIL was far more successful in achieving its goals, than the divided UN approach applied in Afghanistan via UNAMA and ISAF. In regard to the result, the hypothesis was not falsified which indicates that there is a correlation between a civil-military approach and outcome in organizations. More specifically, an integrated approach to complex peace operations is more successful in achieving its goals than a divided one.

During 2004 to 2008, The United States Marine Corps (USMC) executed counterinsurgency operations in Anbar Province with the purpose to stabilize one of the most violent areas in Iraq. The Marine Corps successfully managed to suppress the insurgency as violence dropped dramatically in late 2007. What did the marines do in order to suppress the insurgency? Why did violence drop in the province? The Marine Corps approach and procedures have been examined earlier through theories of organizational learning and adaptation. However, there is an absence of studies aiming to analyse the Marine Corps’ counterinsurgency approach through the analytical lens of counterinsurgency theory. Therefore this study has the intention to explain the Marine Corps approach and methods through David Galula’s and Roger Trinquier’s counterinsurgency theories with the purpose of gaining a profound understanding for the counterinsurgency the Marine Corps conducted. The results suggest that a population-centric counterinsurgency approach contributed to the positive turn of events in the province. Furthermore it suggests that continued research ought to focus on the importance of indigenous actors, since the theories used in this study did not fully cover their possible impact on counterinsurgency operations.

The Submarine service was established to perform covert operations.  Despite its clandestine nature the submarine service is used in the extrovert field of maritime diplomacy. An example of if this is, the participation of submarine forces in the RIMPAC which are multinational and goodwill visits to port. This study aims to identify the methods with which the submarine services can interact with the field of maritime diplomacy, the extent these methods are used and what role the submarine service adopts in maritime diplomacy.   To answer these questions through a qualitative analysis of the theories on maritime diplomacy presented by Christian La Mière and James Cable that identify variables in forms of methods that fulfill diplomatic purposes. These variables are used as a tool for empirical data collection for a quantitative result presented in a table. A qualitative analysis and comparison of similarities and differences in the general usage of the submarine service is employed in the context of maritime diplomacy.    The analysis shows six variables, in which submarine services can interact within the field of maritime diplomacy; Good will visits, Personnel exchanges, multinational exercises, multinational operations, capability to deliver payload to keel bound targets and capability to deliver payload on ground based targets.  The results show that each of these variables have to some extent been used historically. Further analysis of the result concludes that the submarine service does not have a highly-visible role in maritime diplomacy. Contrary to this it is limited because of its limited applications as a multirole vessel and the extensive cost of maintenance which further concentrate the capabilities of the submarine service.