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No description available.

No description available.

Dans les métiers de l’investissement financier, le risque est un outil de travail quotidien et reconnu. Tout individu est ainsi amené à déterminer quels risques valent la peine d’être pris, ou quelle perte vaut la peine d’être risquée. Plus le risque pris est important, plus grands seront les bénéfices – ou pertes – encourus. Ces caractéristiques, le monde de l’investissement financier les partage avec les sports à hauts risques, ou sports extrêmes. Malgré cette similitude, la littérature scientifique issue de chacun des ces domaines adopte une perspective qui lui est propre afin d’expliquer le risque et la prise de risques. Alors que la recherche en finance s’attarde avant tout à la quantification des risques, la littérature sportive s’intéresse davantage à la personnalité des pratiquants de sports extrêmes, répondant donc aux questions : Qui prend des risques ? Pourquoi ? De récentes études ont avancé que les traits de personnalité du narcissisme et de l’alexithymie contribuent significativement à expliquer la tendance à la prise de risques dans le sport. Par le biais de six études successives et complémentaires, ce travail de thèse a pour objectif d’élargir ces résultats par la mise en évidence des relations entre les traits narcissiques et alexithymiques, et la prise de risques financiers / In the world of financial investment, risk is recognised as a daily working tool. Individuals are constantly asked to determine whether risks are worthwhile, in other words whether the potential associated loss is worth risking. The higher the risk, the higher the potential wins or losses. These characteristics are shared between the world of financial investment and high-risk – or extreme – sports. Notwithstanding their similarities, scientific studies conducted within each of these domains have adopted distinct understandings of risk and risk-taking. Whilst research in finance aims to quantify and control risk, the sport literature is rather more interested in the personality of high-risk sport partakers. The latter thus aims to answer questions such as who takes risks and why. Recent studies have highlighted the significant roles played by narcissism and alexithymia, two stable personality traits. Through six successive and complementary studies, the present thesis aims to broaden these results by uncovering the links between both narcissistic and alexithymic personality traits and financial risk-taking.

Thèse numérisée par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Dans les métiers de l'investissement financier, le risque est un outil de travail quotidien et reconnu. Tout individu est ainsi amené à déterminer quels risques valent la peine d'être pris, ou quelle perte vaut la peine d'être risquée. Plus le risque pris est important, plus grands seront les bénéfices - ou pertes - encourus. Ces caractéristiques, le monde de l'investissement financier les partage avec les sports à hauts risques, ou sports extrêmes. Malgré cette similitude, la littérature scientifique issue de chacun des ces domaines adopte une perspective qui lui est propre afin d'expliquer le risque et la prise de risques. Alors que la recherche en finance s'attarde avant tout à la quantification des risques, la littérature sportive s'intéresse davantage à la personnalité des pratiquants de sports extrêmes, répondant donc aux questions : Qui prend des risques ? Pourquoi ? De récentes études ont avancé que les traits de personnalité du narcissisme et de l'alexithymie contribuent significativement à expliquer la tendance à la prise de risques dans le sport. Par le biais de six études successives et complémentaires, ce travail de thèse a pour objectif d'élargir ces résultats par la mise en évidence des relations entre les traits narcissiques et alexithymiques, et la prise de risques financiers

Two studies were conducted to present two new theoretical constructs based on narcissistic personality and Daoist water-like personality research. Narcissistic group orientation (NGO) was developed to incorporate both the grandiose and vulnerable expressions of narcissism into a group-oriented social variable. NGO is pathological group orientation with two distinct expressions that share a common etiology in social identity monopolization. The conditions that promote social identity monopolization and ultimately increase the salience of the particular self-category, differ amongst the grandiose and vulnerable expressions of NGO. The grandiose expression increases salience of a particular self-category to facilitate opportunistic use for self-enhancement, while the vulnerable expression increases salience of a particular self-category to facilitate threat detection and avoidance. Water-like group orientation (WGO) was developed to provide a measure of secure in-group positivity which is in contrast to defensive in-group positivity. WGO is a prosocial group orientation that is based on the Daoist principle of wuwei (non-action) or underacting which is conceived here as a lack of desire for control. Study 1 aimed to provide support for the factor structure of the newly developed scales and provide evidence of validity. The results of confirmatory factor analyses in Study 1 and Study 2 supported a two-factor NGO model and a two-factor WGO model. The two-factor NGO model is made up of a grandiose narcissistic group orientation (GNGO) factor and a vulnerable narcissistic group orientation (VNGO) factor. WGO Factor 1 (WGOF1) is an in-group confidence and satisfaction factor, and WGO Factor 2 (WGOF2) is an out-group respect and altruism factor. Study 1 also gathered evidence of convergent validity for both the NGO and WGO constructs. Both GNGO and VNGO exhibited positive correlations with social dominance orientation and blind patriotism, and negligible correlations with constructive patriotism. WGOF1 exhibited positive correlations with social dominance orientation and blind patriotism, and a negligible correlation with constructive patriotism. WGOF2 exhibited negative correlations with social dominance orientation and blind patriotism, and a positive correlation with constructive patriotism. Study 2 sought to gather support for the factor structure of NGO and WGO once again and to examine the relationship between GNGO, VNGO, WGOF1, and WGOF2 with a multicomponent measure of in-group identification that includes solidarity, satisfaction, centrality, self-stereotyping, and in-group homogeneity. GNGO, VNGO, and WGOF1 were positively related to all five in-group identification components, while WGOF2 was unrelated to all five in-group identification components. The NGO and WGO scales may be used to study groups who are experiencing acute or ongoing intergroup conflict, intense scrutiny, or aggressive groups. These scales may be used to develop a greater understanding of group and environmental characteristics that lead to defensive in-group positivity.

This study examines the relationship between online self-disclosure, grandiose narcissism, vulnerable narcissism, Facebook use and frequency of status updates in existing self-report measures among 381 college students. Positive correlations were found between: vulnerable narcissism and Facebook status updates, and Facebook use and online self-disclosure. Following the equalization of the two different narcissism scales, college students scored higher on grandiose narcissism as opposed to vulnerable narcissism, the opposite to what was hypothesized. No correlations were found between: grandiose narcissism and Facebook status updates; grandiose narcissism and self-disclosure; and vulnerable narcissism and self-disclosure. Additionally, college women did not score higher in self-disclosure than men on Facebook. Through additional testing a correlation between vulnerable narcissism and Facebook use was also found. Results were negatively affected by the established grandiose narcissism scale failing reliability testing, thus, in the future, the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (NPI) should be used. High religiosity is also known to positively correlate to positive mental health, therefore, in the future using less religiously orientated college students might yield different narcissism level results.

Narcissism is a truly Janusian phenomenon, consisting of both narcissistic grandiosity, exhibitionism, admiration-seeking, boldness, and dominance on the one hand, and narcissistic vulnerability, introversion, withdrawal, hypersensitivity, and anxiety on the other hand. While there is broad consensus that these two seemingly contradictory faces of narcissism can be empirically discerned and have different implications for psychological functioning and mental health, there is not yet agreement on whether grandiose and vulnerable narcissism should be regarded as independent traits or as two manifestations of one personality trait. Previous research indicates that both views hold true when the level of grandiosity is considered a moderating factor: while grandiose and vulnerable narcissism are largely unrelated in the range of normal personality variation, they are correlated in the range of high grandiosity (Jauk et al., 2017b). Here, we replicate and extend this work in an independent sample (N = 891) using a more comprehensive narcissism inventory grounded in a new trifurcated model of narcissism. The trifurcated model partitions narcissism into three main personality dimensions: agentic extraversion, antagonism, and neuroticism. We found a significant breakpoint in the association between narcissistic grandiosity and vulnerability at 75% cumulative frequency of grandiosity. While grandiosity and vulnerability are unrelated below this breakpoint (r = 0.02), they are strongly correlated above (r = 0.45). In the lower range of grandiose narcissism, grandiosity draws more upon agentic extraversion and is largely associated with mental health. In the upper range, however, grandiosity is more strongly linked to antagonism and is substantially associated with fear, negative affect, and depression. These findings provide evidence for the view that grandiose and vulnerable narcissism are distinct traits at lower levels of grandiosity, but blend into an antagonistic core with signs of psychological maladjustment at higher levels. Implications for research on narcissism as a personality trait, as well as clinical practice, are discussed.

No description available.