Submitted by Patricia Figuti Venturini (pfiguti@anhembi.br) on 2016-10-18T19:50:47Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Diego Ferreira.pdf: 1714608 bytes, checksum: 67f7af853a762d9f6fb826d66feae177 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Patricia Figuti Venturini (pfiguti@anhembi.br) on 2016-10-18T19:55:29Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Diego Ferreira.pdf: 1714608 bytes, checksum: 67f7af853a762d9f6fb826d66feae177 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Patricia Figuti Venturini (pfiguti@anhembi.br) on 2016-10-18T19:59:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Diego Ferreira.pdf: 1714608 bytes, checksum: 67f7af853a762d9f6fb826d66feae177 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-18T20:01:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Diego Ferreira.pdf: 1714608 bytes, checksum: 67f7af853a762d9f6fb826d66feae177 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-26 / This research aims to establish relationships between fashion, memory and museum, with a view to understanding the phenomenon of fashion coming out of the commonplace and enters the museum spaces. By production designer Hussein Chalayan, we propose a theoretical analysis about the design of the practice, calling into question the associations between representations of memory and the museum and the production of design objects. From a historical approach to design and their interrelationships, we identify the aspects of the practice of design, highlighting the features of the production of Hussein Chalayan and emphasizing how the logic of fashion is linked to the memory and the museum. In this sense, we investigate the ways in which memories are transformed into products. So we dedicate ourselves also to examine how the fashion and the museum as a cultural production fields are structured. / A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo estabelecer relações entre moda, memória e museu, tendo em vista a compreensão do fenômeno da moda que sai do lugar comum e adentra os espaços museológicos. Através da produção do designer Hussein Chalayan, propomos uma análise teórica acerca do design, colocando em questão as associações entre as representações da memória e do museu e a produção de objetos de design. A partir de uma abordagem histórica do design e de suas inter-relações, identificamos os aspectos relativos a prática do design, destacando as características da produção de Hussein Chalayan e enfatizando como a lógica da moda se articula com a memória e o museu. Neste sentido, investigamos as formas pelas quais as memórias são transformadas em produtos. Assim, dedicamo-nos, também a examinar como a moda e o museu, enquanto campos de produção cultural, se estruturam.

This paper attempts an analysis of Ebrahim Hussein’s drama Mashetani through a critical approach based on the dimension of horror. Despite the pervasive strength of this element in Mashetani, it has rarely been considered as anything more than a mere stylistic element in a vision of this drama which approaches its contents only, using allegory. In this study, Mashetani will be read from a different point of view, which sees the horrific element as bearer of new contents and new subjects not always reachable through an allegorical interpretation, in order not only to make a contribution to literary criticism of this drama, but also to emphasize how horror can acquire an analytic function besides its stylistic role.

What contributes to sectarian conflict? Some existing literature essentializes sectarian identities and blames ancient hatred between different groups as the cause of conflict, this thesis argues that sectarian conflict occurs when sectarianism is politically employed by elite actors facing state weakness. The proposed theory suggests that a drop in state capacity regardless of the cause, can motivate political elite actors to instrumentalize the salience of sectarian identities as a form of either repression or cooptation targeting the sectarian outgroup for the purposes of regime survival. The theoretical claims in this study are examined using a qualitative comparative case study analysis of the Saddam Hussein and Nouri Al Maliki regimes in Iraq. The findings reveal that both Hussein and Maliki instrumentalized sectarian rhetoric and exploited divisions as a strategy of gaining or preserving political power during periods of increased state weakness. For example, Saddam's use of the Faith Campaign fueled the increased salience of sectarian identities in Iraq while Maliki's political purge campaigns marginalized the Sunnis. Furthermore, the approach of this study reveals variation in the forms of regimes that can successfully exploit and instrumentalize sectarian rhetoric, ranging from minority and majority sectarian coalitions to personalist autocratic and semi-democratic governments. The findings of this thesis can allow policymakers to identify the root causes of sectarian based conflicts more accurately. In addition, ethnic and sectarian identity groups can be influenced by politicians and potentially shaped by external actors under certain conditions outlined in the thesis.

約旦哈什米王國曾為奧圖曼土耳其帝國的一部份，建國至今五十餘年，哈什米王族為先知穆罕默德的後代。約旦對外政策深受領導人風格、其他大國態度、地緣因素以及約旦本身國內因素所影響。本文乃針對在以色列與阿拉伯的和平衝突情勢，如何影響約旦的對外政策走向加以分析，並探討約旦在中東和平進程裡所扮演的角色。全文共分六章十九節，緒論部分陳述本文之研究動機、目的、方法與限制。本論部分就一九八０年代、波斯灣戰爭、一九九０年代，以及胡笙國王去世後的約旦外交政策之變化加以敘述與分析，並將研究心得整理、分析並條列於結論之中。 / The Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan has been built since 1950, this place was originally a part of Ottoman Empire, and the Hashemite royal family is descends from Prophet Mohammed. Jordan’s foreign policy was affected by the characteristic of her leadership, attitude from powerful states, and domestic problem. This thesis focuses on Jordan’s foreign policy, which is effect to the relationship between Israel and the Arab states, analyzing Jordan’s role in the Middle East peace process. There are totally 6 chapters, which are composed of 19 sections. I describe my ambition, goals, methods and limitation of this study before the main thesis. In the main thesis, I describe and analyze the changes of Jordan’s foreign policy during 1980s, the period during Gulf War, the peace process in 1990s, and the era after King Hussein died. In the last chapter, comments and suggestions are given together with the conclusion.

The Project for the New American Century (PNAC) was a neoconservative Washington, D.C. foreign policy think tank, comprised of seasoned foreign policy stalwarts who had served multiple presidential administrations as well as outside-the-beltway defense contractors, that was founded in 1997 by William Kristol, editor of the conservative political magazine The Weekly Standard, and Robert Kagan, a foreign policy analyst and political commentator currently at the Brookings Institution. The PNAC would shut down its operations in 2006. Using The Weekly Standard as its mouthpiece, the PNAC helped foment support for the removal of Iraqi president Saddam Hussein beginning in 1998, citing Iraq’s noncooperation with UN weapons inspections. The PNAC became further emboldened in its urgency and rhetoric to quell the geopolitical risk posed by Hussein after the 9/11 terror attacks. The only justifiable response the George W. Bush Administration could play in thwarting Hussein, the PNAC argued, involved a military action. Keywords: The Project for the New American Century; Iraq War; Saddam Hussein; The Weekly Standard; The Vulcans; weapons of mass destruction

This collection of two short stories and one novella seeks to express and embody concepts of narrative form and technique developed over the course of this graduate program with regards to the formulation of believable, nonrealist fictional realities in an American idiom which can enter into the global critical conversation of similarly-purposed international literature.

Abstract Title:     Irakkriget 030320 – en komparativ studie av svensk och amerikansk nyhetsrapportering. (Iraq war 030320 – a Comparative Study of Swedish and American Newsreport)   Author:     Catherine Lundahl   Tutor:     Christian Christensen   Course:     Media and Communication C – Bachelor Thesis   University:     Uppsala Universitet   Keywords:     Iraq war, framing, war journalism, propaganda, Swedish press, American press, democracy, totalitarianism, president Bush, president Hussein, the UN, victims.     Aim The purpose with this essay is to compare the Swedish and American press during the 2003 Iraq war newsreport. Focus is put on the framework of news each country presents. Material/Methodology The essay represent a selection of articles during the week before the invasion 030313-030320 which delimited to a material of 20 newsarticles from each country. The essay represent a methodology based on the critical discourse analysis. Theoretical perspectives The essay leans on the theory of framing which is a common and well suitable theory for war journalism. The theory’s purpose has delimited to focus on the frameworks of the newsreport and not the frames affect of the public opinion. Conclusion The essay reveals both differences and similarities between the Swedish and American news frames. The most articulated similarity between the countries articles were the “evil” framing of president Saddam Hussein as well as the framing of the opposite relationship between democracy and totalitarianism. Indicators of propaganda reflected the most articulated differences between each country where the Swedish press neglected this kind of news framing. Other articulated differences reflected framing of president Bush as well as the civil Iraqi people as victims.

Orientalism in Bush administration and its influence over military intervention in Iraq Abstract Master's thesis focuses on the presence of orientalist elements in the Bush administration and their influence over the justification and execution of the military intervention in Iraq. These elements are orientalist construction of identities, civilizational mission, concept of oriental Muslim and concept of oriental woman. For this purpose, three research questions were formulated. 1) How the identity of Iraq was constructed to justify the intervention? 2) How the identity of USA was constructed to justify the intervention 3) Whether the Bush administration carried elements of orientalism, how did they present themselves and what amount of influence did they have over justification and execution of the military intervention in Iraq? The Fairclough three-dimensional model of critical discursive analysis was chosen in order to answer research questions. Analysis was focused on official speeches of three key representatives of Bush administration (G.W. Bush, D. Cheney, C. Powell) within the time period from the terrorist attacks on September 11th 2001 until the actual military intervention to Iraq on March 20th 2003. Based on the analysis the presence of orientalist construction of identities and civilizational...

abstract: In this dissertation, I translate and provide a critical analysis of the Iranian play, Tomb Dwellers (2009), by Hussein Kiyani. It was first staged after the contested presidential election in Iran in 2009 which brought Mahmoud Ahmadinejad into power for a second term. The play depicts the socioeconomic situation of Iran and its relation to other countries, the situation of women and the working class during Ahmadinejad’s two terms of presidency. Tomb Dwellers is written as a comedy, a genre more likely to make it past censors in Iran or other despotic countries. My research and translation project are sparked by questions that move in two directions simultaneously: one, toward understanding the sociopolitical context for theatre in Iran after the revolution of 1979; the other, toward the challenges of translating into English a play that stands as a social metaphor in its own historical context. Regarding the former, which forms the basis of my critical analysis, I explore the strategies artists have used to avoid the limitations imposed by the authorities. In making this play available to English-speaking readers at a time of political tension between Iran and the United States I offer to USAmerican audiences a more nuanced perspective of the way Iranian people feel about their government and its relation to other countries. This play is both timely and informative. Timely because of the tensions between the US and the Middle East. Informative because it represents the Iranian community and may serve to create a bridge between the two cultures. Translating and staging this play along with the critical analysis I am providing will help American audiences and immigrants from other countries to know more about Iran in a creative and entertaining way. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Theatre 2019

No / This volume explores in close detail the events and factors leading up to the second Gulf War in 2003 and considers whether war with Iraq was inevitable. Nick Ritchie and Paul Rogers argue that after the election of George W. Bush, conflict between Iraq and the United States was probable, and that after 9/11 it became virtually inevitable. They begin by setting the story of Iraq, Bush and 9/11 within the broader context of the importance of the Persian Gulf to enduring US national security interests and go on to examine the intense politicking that surrounded the conflict and still reverberates today. The authors examine US policy towards Iraq at the end of the Clinton administration, the opposition in Congress and Washington's conservative think tanks to Clinton's strategy of containment, and the evolution of Iraq policy during the first eight months of the Bush presidency and the growing pressure for regime change. They also explore the immediate focus on Iraq after the attacks of September 11 that marked a watershed in US national security policy and chart the construction of the case against Iraq through 2002 and the administration's determination to end Saddam Hussein's regime at all costs. The Political Road to War with Iraq will be of great interest to all students and scholars of US foreign policy, war and peace studies and international relations.