This paper looks at traditions and modernities in terms of a spectrum representation and thus challenges the previously accepted notion of tradition and modernity as an either/or matter where tradition is seen to hold obstacles assumed to block progression towards modernity. With this in mind, it considers Ebrahim Hussein´s title for his play Wakati Ukuta (Time is a Wall) and Euphrase Kezilahabi´s novel Gamba la Nyoka (The snake´s skin) to illustrate the idea of multiple modernities where the relationship between tradition and modernity is seen in terms of tension between cultural homogenisation and cultural heterogenisation where various ´scapes´ containing traditions are inflected by historical, linguistic and political situatedness of different actors. Key themes are discussed in this paper displaying the indigenised ethnoscape of East Africa with various modernities and the different tensions this can produce in view of long-standing traditions. Individualism is the prevailing theme in the emergence of modernity. With this in mind, extramarital relationships, foreign behaviours, education and age/generational differences are discussed with reference to the two literary texts. These themes exemplify the thematic trajectory of the spectrum representation of traditions and modernities in Swahili literature, showing belonging to the present but also awareness of the past. This paper concludes that modernities should no longer be seen as a foreign invasion aiming to eradicate tradition but as metropolises that can be indigenised and incorporated into existing traditions. The observations in this paper demonstrate that the link between traditions and modernities is not a direct transition from one to the other but one of more complex affiliation. This paper lays foundations for broader research into this relationship and gives new insight into the illustration and critique of various texts.

No description available.

<p>Abstract</p><p>The purpose of this thesis is to investigate the way George W. Bush used moral metaphors to intensify the language in his statements on Operation Iraqi Freedom. Three moral metaphors are presented within two different models that are applied on the data.</p><p>The collected material for the metaphors is constituted of cognitive linguistic books from prominent linguists, such as George Lakoff, Alan Cruse and William Croft, and the data is collected from the official White House website. The scientific method used in this study has been qualitative text analysis where the hermeneutic approach has been an essential part of it.</p><p>The main question: In what way did George W. Bush use moral metaphors in his statements to justify Operation Iraqi Freedom?, resulted in use of moral metaphors that sermons people’s moral values, depict Saddam Hussein’s characteristics as immoral, activate people’s moral priorities to help the Iraqi people, and addresses both conservatives and liberals in America.</p><p>The conclusion of my study is that President Bush deliberately intensified the language in his statements through moral metaphors to justify Operation Iraqi Freedom.</p><p>Keywords: Cognitive Linguistics, Metaphor, Figurative Language, Operation Iraqi Freedom, War on Terror, George W. Bush, Saddam Hussein, USA, Iraq, Qualitative Text Analysis, Hermeneutics.</p>

Thesis (B.A.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 173-205). Also available via the World Wide Web. http://www.pol.uiuc.edu/news/largio%5Fthesis.pdf

This thesis explores new ideas for the foundations for state violence in Iraq by looking specifically at the outbreaks of spectacular violence during the Qasim Era (1958-1963). In order to frame the discussion, this study looks first at how the British established a model for state violence during the Monarchy period (1921-1958), which eventually both validated and radicalized the opposition parties. The second chapter examines the violence of the everyday in Iraq, and how the spectacular violence of the Qasim Era finds historical context within everyday violence and ritual. In the final chapter, this thesis discusses how the radicalized violence of the opposition parties melded with the violence of the everyday to create spectacular acts of ritualized violence. After the coup d’état of 8 February 1963, the Ba’ath Party institutionalized this radical new brand of violence, creating a foundation for the state violence to come under Saddam Hussein. This violence was experienced only by the Iraqi Communists at first, but was later experienced by the whole nation. / text

"In the eye of the beholder- A didactic study of Swedish teachers and textbooks in history’s reasoning about nine eleven and its aftermath" by Emmy Johansson and Emma Svanström aims to show which picture both teachers and textbooks on elementary school and upper secondary school want to mediate on the subject. The study also strives to compare the teachers view with the textbooks. To achieve these goals the study uses materials from eight interviews and fifteen textbooks. The methods are a combination of interviews and textual analysis inspired by the scientist Elizabeth D. Herman. Comparison was also included in order to be able to compare teachers and textbooks. Content analysis and sentence centralization was used in order to analyze the materials. Finally the study used a combination of theoretical concepts which included history didactics, historically consciousness and facts about the production of textbooks. The results show that although there is a great variation in how teachers as well as textbooks reason about the subject there are also many similar thoughts and presentations. This is the case for as well teachers as textbooks and the comparison between them. The study also reveal that although teachers are skeptical about the textbooks they are both needed to form a good education. But such a combination would still leave some effects unmentioned to the students.

Submitted by Patricia Figuti Venturini (pfiguti@anhembi.br) on 2018-08-20T20:22:29Z No. of bitstreams: 1 447888.pdf: 1519462 bytes, checksum: 79ff97581776ee892b49d6d249b456b7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Patricia Figuti Venturini (pfiguti@anhembi.br) on 2018-08-20T20:27:11Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 447888.pdf: 1519462 bytes, checksum: 79ff97581776ee892b49d6d249b456b7 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Patricia Figuti Venturini (pfiguti@anhembi.br) on 2018-08-21T13:29:57Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 447888.pdf: 1519462 bytes, checksum: 79ff97581776ee892b49d6d249b456b7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-21T13:30:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 447888.pdf: 1519462 bytes, checksum: 79ff97581776ee892b49d6d249b456b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-02-21 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This here text presents an investigation about changes in the percep- tion of time and space in contemporary society, which can be identified in the fields of Fashion Design and Architecture. For that matter, some of the changes that marked the turn of the 19th century with the Indus- trial Revolution are contextualized, and so are the changes on lifesty- les and on the production of subjectivities. Ephemerality emerges as a striking concept in the 20th century, from the consolidation of aspects such as acceleration and displacement. From this perspective, Hussein Chalayan’s Afterwords fashion collection and the architectural work Blur Building proposed by the Diller Scofidio studio are presented. Fi- nally, from Design for Difference, developed by Angela Luna, fashion designer, derives a brief discussion on wearables as a production of existence territories, contributing to broaden the dialogues between the fields of Fashion Design and Architecture. / O presente trabalho expõe uma investigação acerca de modificações na percepção de tempo e de espaço na sociedade contemporânea, possíveis de serem identificados nos campos do Design de Moda e da Arquitetura. Para tanto, são contextualizadas algumas mudanças que marcaram a virada do século XIX com a Revolução Industrial e que modificaram os modos de vida e a produção de subjetividades. A efemeridade emerge como conceito marcante no século XX, a partir da consolidação de aspectos como a aceleração e o deslocamento. Com base nesta perspectiva, são apresentadas a coleção de moda Afterwords, criada por Hussein Chalayan e a obra arquitetônica Blur Building, proposta pelo estúdio Diller Scofidio. Por fim, do trabalho Design for Difference, desenvolvido pela designer de moda Angela Luna, deriva-se uma breve discussão dos vestíveis como produção de territórios de existência, colaborando para a ampliação dos diálogos entre os campos do Design de Moda e da Arquitetura.

xiv, 162 p. / In my dissertation I argue that the invasion of Iraq was a part of a larger project by Vice President Dick Cheney and Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld to reestablish the unconstrained use of U.S. military power after the defeat of Vietnam. The study presents the best evidence against the alternative explanations that the invasion of Iraq was the result of an overreaction to 9/11, the threat of Weapons of Mass Destruction, a plan to spread democracy in the Middle East, a desire to protect Israel or a plan to profit from Iraqi oil. The study also challenges the leading explanation among academics that emphasizes the role of the neoconservatives in the decision to invade. These academics argue that neoconservatives, such as Paul Wolfowitz and Richard Perle, successfully persuaded the American President, George W. Bush, and his Vice President, Dick Cheney, of the necessity to eliminate Saddam Hussein by winning an internal policy battle over realists, such as Secretary of State Colin Powell. With their narrow focus on neoconservatives and realists, scholars have largely overlooked a third group of hawkish policy makers, the primacists. This latter group, centered on Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld and Vice President Cheney, had a long standing goal of strengthening the U.S. military and presidential powers in order to pursue U.S. primacy. This goal manifests itself in the invasion of Iraq, a country in the heart of the geopolitically important, oil-rich region of the Persian Gulf. I demonstrate that it was the primacists, not the neoconservatives, who persuaded the President to go to war with Iraq. Through historical process tracing, especially through a close look at the careers of the major policy actors involved and their public statements as well as declassified documents, I provide strong evidence that these leaders wanted to pursue regime change in Iraq upon taking office. The invasion of Iraq would extend the War on Terror, providing an opportunity to pursue their long-held policy of strengthening the power of the presidency and transforming the military into a high-tech and well-funded force. / Committee in charge: Jane Kellet Cramer, Chairperson/Advisor; Lars S. Skålnes, Member; Daniel J. Tichenor, Member; Val Burris, Outside Member

This thesis offers a microcosmic insight into Britain's transition toward a world system without an Empire by exploring the life of the Anglo-Jordan Treaty (1946-57) via the prism of the British financed Jordanian Army, also known as the Arab Legion, and its British commander, Glubb Pasha. In so doing it puts the state of the relationship down to a system of mutual dependence. Britain's withdrawal from Jordan has primarily been linked either to the success of Arab nationalism or the loss of British will. By examining the Treaty relationship from construction to termination this thesis posits that it is imprudent to push any single factor too deeply, but identifies a shift in the balance of mutual dependence, caused by the changing geopolitical climate, as the driving force. A subsidiary aspect of this thesis concerns the partition of Palestine. The Arab Legion was the most important Arab army during the 1948 War. Based on unprecedented access to Glubb's private papers 'the most significant new documents to emerge since the opening of the official western archives in the late 1970s' this thesis provides the most accurate portrayal of the Arab Legion's conduct yet achievable. In so doing it reconciles inconsistencies within the controversial 'collusion' debate. It negates the revisionist argument that a firm Hashemite-Zionist agreement existed, but corroborates the notion that Britain approved the Arab Legion's use to implement an alternative form of partition to that proposed by the UN. It thus supports the revisionist argument that pre-war negotiations helped shape the 1948 War, but explains the Arab Legion's adherence to this secret scheme by emphasising Glubb's (limited) autonomy. Moreover, it reveals further details concerning the divisions within the Arab coalition, which further debunks the traditional David (Israel) versus Goliath (Arab coalition) portrayal of the conflict.

Kiekviena politinės lyderystės apraiška 1990 – 1991 metais vykusio Irako – Kuveito konflikto kontekste buvo skirtinga priklausomai nuo JAV, Didžiosios Britanijos, Prancūzijos ir Irako politinių lyderių asmeninių savybių, lyderiavimo motyvų, nuo skirtingai suvokiamų atskiros visuomenės tikslų įgyvendinimo specifikos, nuo tarptautinės grupės ypatybių ir kitų socialinių, politinių, ekonominių bei kultūrinių sąlygų. Vieni politiniais lyderiais tapo dėl asmeninio patrauklumo, charizmos, kiti atsidūrė tam tikru momentu tam tikroje situacijoje, treti veikė vedini savo asmeninių ambicijų. Kaip tik todėl magistro darbo objektas yra politinių lyderių vaidmuo Irako – Kuveito konflikte. Darbo aktualumas. 1990 – 1991 metais Persijos įlankoje netrūko radikalių permainų: pagrindiniu tikslu buvo laikomas Irako prezidento Sadamo Huseino nuvertimas, o tai reiškė, jog sąjungininkai privalėjo užimti Irako sostinę Bagdadą ir kontroliuoti visus strateginius jame esančius objektus. Būtent šioje situacijoje politiniams lyderiams atsirado puiki terpė pasireikšti. Magistro darbe aiškinamasi apie galingiausių to meto valstybių verbalinį ir fizinį ryšį, jų vykdomus ar ketinamus vykdyti veiksmus. Kadangi nebuvo ir vis dar nėra jokios paprastos lyderystės formulės ar griežtos mokslinės disciplinos, kuria būtų galėję vadovautis nagrinėjami politiniai lyderiai, tai tapo akstinu pažvelgti į šią problemą iš naujo. Darbo chronologinės ribos. Pavadinime įvardintas 1990 – 1991 metų laikotarpis. Konfliktas... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / Every political clash leaves a trace in World history. The conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in the end of XX century is not the exception. Amid growing tension between the two Persian Gulf neighbors, Saddam Hussein concluded that the United States and the rest of the outside world would not interfere to defend Kuwait. On August 2, 1990, Iraqi forces invaded Kuwait and quickly seized control of the small nation. Within days, the United States, along with the United Nations, demanded Iraq’s immediate withdrawal. U.S. and other UN member nations began deploying troops in Saudi Arabia within the week, and the worldwide coalition began to form under UN authority. On January 16, 1991, Allied forces began devastating bombing of Iraq and its forces in Kuwait. The Allied bombing sought to damage Iraq’s infrastructure so as to hinder its ability to make war while also hurting both civilian and military morale. Unfortunately, Allied air strikes and cruise missile attacks against Iraq proved more devastating than expected. When the Allied armies launched the ground war on February 23, the Iraqi occupation forces in Kuwait were already beaten. On March 3, 1991, Iraq accepted the terms of the cease-fire and the fighting ended. So the object of master‘s work has been the evaluation of the role, substantiality and particularity of political leaders during the conflict between Iraq and Kuwait in 1990 – 1991. The goal has been to point out the connection between the expression of political... [to full text]