Using data from 1999 on immigrants in Sweden, we find that the gender earnings gap among immigrant is lower than natives’ gender earnings gap and negatively related to their source country gender earnings gap. We also show that immigrants’ earnings are lower and more concentrated than the natives’ ones which leads to a lower gender earnings gap for immigrants. Then, regarding the gender earnings gap along the earnings distribution and linking it with earnings distribution of immigrants and natives, we are able to conclude that immigrants are not strongly affected by the glass ceiling effect since they are not present in the upper tail of the distribution. We reach the conclusion that such gender earnings gap differences between natives and immigrants may be explained by selection in the labour force participation, occupational segregation of immigrants, source country culture and discrimination.

This research uses Fremont, Nebraska, and City Ordinance 5165, passed in June of 2010, as a case study to explore the effects on migrant political activity of local legislation that prevents undocumented migrants from renting homes and acquiring jobs, and also investigates the nature of migrant participation in opposing such measures. Fremont is one of many U.S. cities that have passed ordinances targeting undocumented migrants, and while continuous legal battles have delayed these laws from going into effect, they reflect a growing attempt to undertake immigration enforcement at a local level. Interviews with Fremont community members suggest the effects of the passage of Ordinance 5165 and surrounding debate are primarily negative, including community division, increased racism, and a challenged sense of safety and belonging for many residents. However, the legislation has also had some positive influence, such as motivating higher levels of civic engagement among migrants and Latinos, and spurring mobilization efforts that have served as points of solidarity and empowerment for these same groups. Furthermore, because places are formed by way of their relations to other places, fieldwork was also conducted in Chichihualco, Guerrero, Mexico one of the largest sending communities to Fremont. These complementary findings exposed how global realities, such as economic need and transnational social ties, shaped happenings in Fremont; and interviews with return migrants and migrants' family members in Chichihualco suggest that it is unlikely the law will deter migration to the city nor persuade migrants to relocate or return to their countries of origin. The Fremont case study provides insight concerning the nationwide trend of local immigration enforcement, highlighting the need for continued investigation of the ways in which community members are organizing against such policy measures, and the observed and potential effects for various actors at different scales. This sort of legislation is being passed with greater frequency in the U.S., and this research argues that its effects have been overwhelmingly negative, and that such laws represent a missed opportunity to instead integrate growing migrant populations into city planning and development processes that could be beneficial for entire communities. / text

This report explores Club Cubano Inter-Americano’s history in order to show how it helped situate Cuban immigrants within the Anglo and Latino communities in New York City in the early 20th century, and it examines the ways in which immigrants balanced their island heritage with community building in the United States. The different parts of the report focus on the organization’s foundation, leadership, activities, events, and treatment of race. A historiography of similar social groups provides a necessary background of the overall structure and goals of Cuban mutual-aid societies. Although the question of race was never officially present in Club-related rhetoric, a number of similarities link its makeup and functions to an existing tradition of Afro-Cuban mutual-aid societies on the island and abroad. The analysis of the New York Club Cubano Inter-Americano provides a glimpse into a part of the Cuban migration in the United States that simply does not fit with the rest. / text

published_or_final_version / Politics and Public Administration / Master / Master of Public Administration

This dissertation is a collection of three essays examining the relationship between immigrant political rhetoric and identity among Latinos in the United States. To achieve this task, this study uses empirical evidence from a national survey and original data collected from experiments in New York City and Los Angeles. The first essay identifies three forms of Latino identity most relevant to political decision-making: national origin, pan-ethnic, and American. I find that levels of acculturation as defined by immigrant status and English language strongly predict American identification. Latino identities inform support on immigrant issues. Latinos with higher perceptions of national origin and pan-ethnic interests are more pro-immigrant on issues pertaining to the rights of undocumented immigrants. The second essay investigates how exposure to explicit and implicit cues within anti-immigrant rhetoric shape the voting decisions of non-Mexican Latino groups in New York City. I test the effects of pan-ethnic, nationality-based, and counter-stereotypical political appeals on candidate support. I find that nationality-based appeals directly or indirectly targeting Mexican immigrants do not activate identity in vote choice, only explicit, pan-ethnic cues implicating all Latino immigrants activate "Latino" group interests in voting decisions. The third essay tests whether political processes of collective identity observed among non-Mexicans in New York City are generalizable to Mexican and non-Mexicans in Border States. Conversely, I find that only nationality-based political appeals targeting Mexicans activate Mexican group interests in vote choice. These results do not extend to non-Mexicans. Anti-immigrant messages did not activate identity in voting. Overall, these findings suggest that identity activation in the context of threat may work differently for Mexican and non-Mexican Latino groups in the United States.

Using a multiple social identities framework, this thesis investigates the relations among ethnic identity, national identity, and discrimination in a sample of 181 Chinese immigrant families to Canada. While a large body of research has investigated the relations between ethnic identity and discrimination among ethnic minority young adults, relatively less is known about the role of national identity and how discrimination and identity are related among immigrant populations and in other developmental periods. This study used a sample of immigrant adults and their adolescent children to investigate these relations during the developmental periods of adolescence and middle adulthood. Results indicate that ethnic and national identities are generally positively associated. However, high levels of discrimination were found to dampen this positive relation, indicating that discrimination thwarts bicultural identity attainment. Unique patterns for adolescents and immigrant adult males emerged suggesting that both developmental considerations and sex differences are key in understanding the relations between social identities and discrimination among immigrant individuals. Clinical and policy implications are discussed. / Graduate

Abstract: Black immigrants are a demographically and socially important group in the United States. Between 1960 and 2005 the foreign-born share of the entire black population increased twenty-two fold. Furthermore, this group also accounted for more than 20% of the growth in the black population in the 2000s. In spite of the rapid growth of the black immigrant population, few studies have evaluated their health and labor market outcomes. The existing literature on black immigrants demonstrates that this group has health outcomes that are substantially different from those of other immigrant populations. Research illustrates that most black immigrants arrive in the United States with better health than black Americans and maintain this health advantage after more than two decades in the United States. This phenomenon is particularly pronounced among African immigrants. Research in this area also demonstrates that certain subgroups of black immigrants, such as West Indians, have superior labor market outcomes compared to black Americans. Because of the phenotypic similarities between these two groups, these findings have led some scholars and policymakers to question the salience of discrimination and racism in determining the labor market outcomes of black Americans. This dissertation expands the literature on the health and labor market outcomes of black immigrants by evaluating the salience of the major sociological theories, including immigrant versus native culture, bias of whites toward black immigrants over black Americans, and selective migration in explaining differences in labor market outcomes between black immigrants and black Americans. In an effort to better understand the unique health patterns among black immigrants, this dissertation also advances and tests a conceptual model that evaluates whether social, economic, and health conditions within the sending countries of black immigrants explain variations in health and disability among these immigrants. This dissertation uses data on males from the 1980-2000 U.S. Censuses and the 2001-2007 American Community Survey to estimate wage, employment, and self-employment models to determine if black immigrants have outcomes that resemble those of native blacks (collectively) or native black internal migrants. The results suggest that migration selectivity is important in explaining wage and employment differences between black immigrants and black natives. However, migration selectivity plays a limited role in explaining self-employment differences between black immigrants and black natives. This general finding is produced when black immigrants are evaluated collectively and when they are separated by both region and country of birth. This result suggests that differences that exist between black immigrants and black natives are the result of selective migration rather than culture. This work is the first to provide a comprehensive analysis of the importance of selective migration in explaining labor market differences between black Americans and black immigrants from all the major sending regions and countries of the world. This work also uses data on black immigrants from the 1996, 1998, 2000, 2002, 2004, 2006, and 2008 March Current Population Survey to evaluate the role that conditions in immigrants’ countries of origin play in explaining variation in health and disability among black immigrants in the United States. Estimates from reduced form health and disability models show that these outcomes are more favorable for immigrants who migrate from countries with high combined enrollment ratios, low income inequality, and high life expectancy. The results also demonstrate that country of origin conditions explain some portion of differences in health among immigrants. / text

The focus of this study was to analyze the way in which my family members viewed education after immigrating from México to the United States. I used portraiture methodology to conduct interviews and narratives of the maternal and paternal sides of my family. They were all in agreement that education is important, and that it is a key tool for social mobility here in the United States. These ideas were consistent throughout the interviews, regardless of generational status and regardless of whether the person attended college or not. The differences came in the experiences of navigating the educational system in this country. There was a stark contrast between the paths to success of my maternal and paternal sides of the family. I propose that because my dad's side of the family immigrated sooner and assimilated faster in American society, they were able to take advantage of more resources available to them. Their view of and goals for a higher education were more established and attainable than for the members of my mom’s side of the family who faced different barriers including having to learn English.

Η εργασία αυτή παρουσιάζει μια εμπειρική ανάλυση για τις επιπτώσεις της μετανάστευσης στα οικονομικά μεγέθη της Ελλάδας. Εξετάζουμε τις επιπτώσεις για την απασχόληση, την συμμετοχή στο εργατικό δυναμικό, την ανεργία και τους μισθούς. Ανάλογες μελέτες έχουν γίνει και σε άλλες χώρες και τα αποτελέσματα δείχνουν να μην υπάρχει σημαντική επίδραση της μετανάστευσης σε αυτά τα μεγέθη. Χρησιμοποιήσαμε τρεις μεθόδους εκτιμήσεων, με σκοπό να συγκρίνουμε τα αποτελέσματά μας με την διεθνή βιβλιογραφία και να πάρουμε πιο αμερόληπτες εκτιμήσεις. Τα αποτελέσματά μας συμφωνούν με τα γενικά ευρήματα της βιβλιογραφίας και δείχνουν ότι και στην Ελλάδα οι επιπτώσεις της μετανάστευσης είναι μικρές γενικά, στο σύνολο της οικονομίας. / This paper presents an empirical analysis about the consequences of immigration in the economy of Greece. We examine the repercussions for the employment, the participation in workforce, the unemployment and the wage. Proportional studies, in other countries show that does not exists important effect of immigration in these sizes. We used three methods of estimates, so we can compare our results with the international bibliography and take more unbiased estimates. Our results agree with the results of the international bibliography and they show that in Greece the repercussions of immigration are also small, in its entirety of the economy.

Στην παρούσα εργασία θα διερευνήσουμε τους προσδιοριστικούς παράγοντες της γονιμότητας των μεταναστριών στην Ελλάδα. Για του σκοπούς της ανάλυσης μας αντλούμε ατομικά στοιχεία από την Απογραφή-2001 για μετανάστριες ηλικίας 15-49 ετών που είναι εγκατεστημένες στην Ελλάδα. Αρχικά, εκτιμώνται εμπειρικά υποδείγματα γονιμότητας για το σύνολο των γυναικών ηλικίας 15-49 με σκοπό να προσδιοριστεί η σχετική θέση των μεταναστριών έναντι των γηγενών γυναικών. Στη συνέχεια εκτιμώνται αντίστοιχα υποδείγματα για μετανάστριες και γηγενείς, ξεχωριστά, λαμβάνοντας υπόψη μια ευρύτερη δέσμη ατομικών και άλλων μεταναστευτικών χαρακτηριστικών, όπως τα έτη διαμονής στην Ελλάδα. Επίσης εφαρμόζονται υποδείγματα γραμμικού διαχωρισμού των επιδράσεων ώστε να προσδιοριστεί η επίδραση των παρατηρούμενων και μη-παρατηρούμενων παραγόντων στη διαμόρφωση των διαφορών στα επίπεδα γονιμότητας μεταξύ μεταναστριών και γηγενών. Σύμφωνα με τα αποτελέσματα οι μετανάστριες εμφανίζονται να έχουν μεγαλύτερο αριθμό παιδιών σε σχέση με τις γηγενείς. Το εύρημα αυτό βρίσκεται σε συμφωνία με αντίστοιχα ευρήματα από τη σχετική διεθνή βιβλιογραφία. Όπως αναμενόταν η γονιμότητα των μεταναστριών συσχετίζεται άμεσα και με διάφορα μεταναστευτικά χαρακτηριστικά όπως τα έτη διαμονής, η χώρα προέλευσης και η γονιμότητα της χώρας προέλευσης. Τέλος να σημειωθεί ότι η διαφορά στη γονιμότητα μεταξύ μεταναστριών και γηγενών φαίνεται σε μεγάλο βαθμό να ερμηνεύεται από την διαφορετική κατανομή των παρατηρούμενων χαρακτηριστικών (ηλικία και γάμος) μεταξύ μεταναστριών και γηγενών. / -