Data for a study of the benthic macroinvertebrates in Imperial Reservoir in Yuma County, Arizona was collected 1970-1973. Imperial Reservoir is an old, heavily sedimented reservoir on the lower Colorado River. An extensive dredging program revealed that the benthic habitat supported a low number of invertebrate species (four insects and two oligochaets) in comparison to other bodies of water. Probable reasons for the low number of species included high salinity, low organic detrital input into the reservoir, low habitat and substrate diversity, temporary low dissolved oxygen concentration, possible contamination with agricultural chemicals, and the remoteness of Imperial Reservoir from other aquatic environments. Within Imperial Reservoir the benthic macroinvertebrate community was restricted to more isolated, calm, side lakes which altogether made up only 23% of the entire surface area of the reservoir. Within these side lakes benthic macroinvertebrates were found primarily on mud substrate. Invertebrates were not found beneath dense stands of Najas marina, a rooted submersed macrophyte. Only two species of invertebrates appear to inhabit rocky substrates. Community analysis suggested that there were no large differences among most habitats where benthic invertebrates were found. A study of the microdistribution of each species of invertebrate indicated that there were two patterns of spatial dispersion: (1) taxa which bred continuously appeared to have no life history related change in dispersion; and (2) taxa which formed recognizable cohorts appeared to spread out from initial egg mass and dispersion changed with time from clumped to random. Secondary net production measures were made directly on predominant benthic invertebrates at two sites in Imperial Reservoir. Both sites had similar production values which were low when compared to production values from other bodies of water. Low benthic production in Imperial Reservoir was related to several environmental factors including high water temperature and temporary low oxygen concentration near the bottom during the summer, low input of organic detritus into the reservoir, and high predation on benthic invertebrates by fish. Collection and analysis of the stomach contents of the bass, bluegill and redear sunfish revealed that the smaller fish of a species were more dependent on benthic invertebrates for food. Large bass did not use benthic invertebrates as heavily as either bluegill or redear.

This doctoral thesis considers the significance of Australian engagement with China within British imperial history between the late-eighteenth and early-twentieth centuries. It sets out to explore the notion that colonial and early-federation Australia constituted an important point of contact between the British and Chinese Empires. Drawing on a long tradition of imperial historiography and recent advances in British World and Anglo-Chinese history, it utilises extensive new archival research to add a colonial dimension to the growing body of scholarship on the British Empire’s relations with Qing China. In doing so, it also seeks to contribute to a better understanding of the internal dynamics and external relations of Britain’s late-Victorian and Edwardian Empire. The following chapters centre around two overarching historical themes. The first is the interconnection between Chinese migration to Australia and the protection of British mercantile and strategic interests in the Far East as imperial issues. The second is the relationship between Australian engagement with China and the development of the idea of a Greater Britain. Each of these themes throws up a range of fascinating historical questions about the evolving character of Britain’s late-Victorian and Edwardian Empire, the inter-relation of its various parts and its ability to navigate the shifting winds of political and economic change. Taken together, they shed new light not only on Anglo-Australian, Anglo-Chinese and Sino-Australian history, but also serve to illuminate a series of triangular relationships, connecting the metropolitan, Far Eastern and Australian branches of the British Empire.

[pt] O presente trabalho pretende analisar as concepções de história com que operavam os sócios fundadores do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro de até o fim dos anos 1840. Este recorte temporal refere-se ao período em que os mesmos citados sócios estiveram à frente dos trabalhos do Instituto, sendo que em fins dos anos 1840 muitos dos mesmos sócios já haviam falecido ou estavam perdendo lugar para uma nova geração que pensava o fazer historiográfico de modo diverso. Pretende-se demonstrar que os fundadores do IHGB não tinham um conceito único de história, operando com métodos e elementos tanto do conceito antigo quanto do conceito moderno de história. Para compreender por quê os membros da Casa pretenderam fundar o IHGB e como pretendiam pesquisar e escrever a história, procedeu-se uma pesquisa e análise das biografias dos sócios, e posteriormente uma análise dos temas mais frequentes de história que circulavam nos debates durantes as sessões periódicas e na publicação principal do Instituto, a Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico do Brasil, que estavam bastante vinculados à preocupação de construir a identidade nacional. / [en] This present dissertation intends to analyze the concepts of history used by the founders of Instituto Histórico e Geográfico Brasileiro, until the end of the 1840`s. This time choice refers to the period in which the same named members were most in charge of the Institute`s works, because at the end of the 1840`s many of these men had already died or were losing place for a new generation of members, who thought the doing of history in a diverse way. It intends to demonstrate that the founders of IHGB didn`t have a unique concept of history, operating with methods and notions either of the ancient and the modern concept. In order to comprehend why these men intended to found the Institute and how they intended to investigate and write the history, a research and an analysis of the biographies of the founders have been done, and also after an examination of the most frequent subjects of history that the members used to raise on their periodic meetings and that used to appear on their principal publication, the Revista do Instituto Histórico e Geográfico do Brasil, that were very linked to the concern of creating the national identity.

Na hierarquia social da corte imperial brasileira de d. Pedro II (1841-1889), vestirse adequadamente revelava riqueza, poder e influência. Desta maneira, uma parcela da nobreza e também de fazendeiros e negociantes enriquecidos pelos negócios do café passou a gastar parte de suas fortunas com roupas e assessórios importados. Esta tese mapeia quais eram os principais tecidos que entravam no país pelo porto do Rio de Janeiro, de que maneira esses tecidos eram transformados em roupa e, finalmente, vendidos na rua do Ouvidor. Assim, ao estudar o consumo de roupas no Rio de Janeiro imperial, podemos perceber como se caracterizava o nascente capitalismo nacional, dentro das transformações globais ocorridas durante a Revolução Industrial. / In the social hierarchy of the Brazilian imperial court of d. Pedro II (1841-1889), dress codes would reveal wealth, power and influence. Thus, a part of the local nobility, and farmers and merchants enriched by coffee trade, began to spend part of their fortunes buying imported clothes and other fashion goods. This study maps which were the main fabrics entering the country through the port of Rio de Janeiro, how these fabrics were made into cloths and ultimately sold on the streets of the rua do Ouvidor. Therefore, it shows how the consumption of clothes in imperial Rio de Janeiro could characterize the national nascent capitalism and its relation with the global transformations promoted by the Industrial Revolution.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2017-09-26T17:04:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Yuri Michael Pereira Costa_.pdf: 5749114 bytes, checksum: 700af68bb099d564e18dfd9ac25798c4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-26T17:04:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Yuri Michael Pereira Costa_.pdf: 5749114 bytes, checksum: 700af68bb099d564e18dfd9ac25798c4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-04 / UEMA – Universidade Estadual do Maranhão / A tese analisa representações das elites sobre o escravo na Justiça da segunda metade do século XIX e, de forma igualmente relevante, a ingerência de fatores políticos sobre o Poder Judiciário imperial. A proposta de investigação passa pelo entendimento da organização do ordenamento jurídico nacional após a Independência brasileira e ao longo do Oitocentos, com destaque para a regulamentação do tratamento formal dado a escravos e libertos nesse contexto. Valoriza também o estudo da (re)produção de discursos construídos por uma elite socialmente branca e escravocrata, legitimada a inscrever sua fala em processos judiciais. Busca ainda entender os sujeitos e os mecanismos da política que, no período monárquico, imergindo o Judiciário no dinâmico jogo de interesses que marcou a relação entre Corte imperial e grupos políticos locais. A pesquisa foi desenvolvida a partir da trajetória de vida de Celso Magalhães (1849-1879) e mais particularmente da atuação do jovem literato e jurista maranhense no chamado “crime da baronesa de Grajaú”, ocorrido em São Luís, em 1876. O protagonismo do personagem na acusação da ré, Ana Rosa Viana Ribeiro, ajudou a compor um caso sem precedentes na história do Judiciário maranhense, no qual uma senhora abastada e casada com um político influente foi presa e colocada no banco dos réus pelo fato de ter supostamente matado uma criança escrava. Dessa forma, a investigação mantém relação com a luta nos campos jurídico e político levada a cabo a partir da ação criminal aqui tratada. Na esfera jurídica, o processo que julgou Ana Rosa contribui para a análise da produção e da circulação de discursos das elites sobre o tratamento jurídico do escravo perante o Judiciário. Quanto às relações de poder, gravitou em torno do “crime da baronesa” parte da atmosfera política da Província do Maranhão, que tomou aquele processo criminal e a exposição dos personagens nele envolvidos como palco privilegiado para o embate há muito travado entre as facções liberal e conservadora. Nesse aspecto, o trabalho buscou pensar a Justiça e a política no Império a partir de uma localidade periférica, sem grande expressão no contexto nacional, porém inserida na tensa relação entre a Corte e as elites regionais. Distante do Centro-Sul do país, o Maranhão tensionou as regras projetadas para o Império, imprimiu traços peculiares à armação burocrática pensada para a nação e certamente inventou formas diversas de corrupção das instituições do século XIX. / The thesis examined representations of elites about the slave in the second half of the 19th century and, equally important, the interference of political factors on the imperial Judiciary. The research proposal passes through the understanding of the organization of the national legal system after brazilian independence and along the 1.800, with emphasis on the regulation of formal treatment given to slaves and freedmen in this context. Appreciates also the study of (re)production of discourses constructed by a socially elite white and slave owner, legitimized to sign up their speech in court proceedings. It also seeks to understand the subject and the mechanisms of that policy which, in the monarchy period, entangled the judiciary in the dynamic game of interests that marked the relationship between the imperial court and local political groups. The research was developed from the life trajectory of Celso Magalhães (1849-1879) and more particularly the role of this young man of letters and jurist in the so-called “crime da baronesa de Grajaú”, occurred in São Luís, in 1876. The role of the character in charge of defendant, Ana Rosa Viana Ribeiro, helped to compose a case without precedent in the history of the judiciary of Maranhão, in which a lady married to a rich and influential politician was arrested and placed in the defendant’s chair by the fact of having killed a child slave. In this way, the research is related to the fight in the legal and political fields carried out from the criminal charges here. In the legal sphere, the process that judged Ana Rosa contributes to the analysis of the production and circulation of discourses of elites on the legal quality of the slave in the judiciary. With regard to relations of power, gravitated around the “crime da baronesa” part of the political atmosphere of the province of Maranhão, who took that criminal prosecution and the exposure of the characters in it involved as stage for a long clash caught between liberal and conservative factions. In this regard, the study sought to think about justice and politics in the Empire from a peripheral location, without much expression in the national context, but inserted in the tense relations between the Court and the regional elites. Apart from the Centre-South of the country, Maranhão stressed the rules designed for the Empire, printed peculiar traits to the bureaucratic frame thought for the nation and certainly invented various forms of corruption of the 19th-century institutions.

This thesis examines the roles of imperial women in the later Roman Empire, with a central focus on the period from Constantine I to Valentinian III (306-455 AD). In this period the emperor’s role evolved from a military leader presiding over an itinerant court to a court-based figure, often a child, who was reliant on ceremonial presentation to display imperial prestige. In my analysis, I explore how the roles of imperial women developed alongside this evolution of the emperor’s own position. I also trace their roles in relation to other important developments of the period: the introduction of Christianity as the imperially favoured religion, the permanent division of Empire, and the series of military crises which affected the West in particular. Following an introduction that considers why relatively little is written on the women of the late antique court, the thesis is divided into two parts. In the first (Historical Overview and Models), Chapter 1 reviews the roles of imperial women in the period from Augustus to the establishment of the Tetrarchy, looking at nomenclature, coins and inscriptions, patronage activities, movements, literary portrayals, and cases where they were removed from their position. In Chapter 2, after providing a historical survey of the evidence for imperial women in the three dynasties of this period, I look in detail at their changing roles in the various areas considered in Chapter 1. In Part Two (Praise, Criticism, and Mischance), I consider particular case studies, divided into three general themes. Chapter 3 examines the positive portrayal and reception of imperial women in literature. In Chapter 4, I consider negative portrayals, as well as the changing reception of their images in later literature. Chapter 5 examines the consequences for women when they lost imperial protection. My conclusion summarises the trends that emerge from Part One and the case studies examined in Part Two. It is neither possible, nor is it my intention, to establish a biography of such women beyond their appearances in literary narratives. This thesis seeks instead to establish a comprehensive picture of imperial women whose roles have been neglected.

A investigação tem por objetivo compreender as motivações, ideários e estratégias dos diferentes grupos que protagonizaram uma mobilização armada ocorrida na província de Mato Grosso no ano de 1834. Iniciada com a tomada do quartel de Cuiabá pela guarda nacional, na noite de 30 de maio, a Rusga teve como objetivo principal assassinar os homens nascidos em Portugal que viviam na província. Para compreender a mobilização, a análise parte da experiência das juntas provisórias criadas na província em 1821, quando teve início um intenso aprendizado da política sob um Estado liberal, constitucional e representativo. Atuando nas novas instituições, no debate público por via da imprensa e no estabelecimento e reiteração de relações de clientela, as lideranças da província se enfrentaram num processo que culminou na formação de dois campos políticos opostos. Em seguida, é abordada uma sedição feita por militares subalternos em 7 de dezembro de 1831. A análise enfoca os aprendizados, a cultura política e as estratégias dos soldados e oficiais inferiores, que já vinham de uma trajetória de contestação que incluía pelo menos quinze revoltas desde 1821. Neste processo, os soldados se tornaram capazes de interferir diretamente nos rumos da política provincial através da mobilização armada. O estudo passa então a tratar do impacto da Abdicação de d. Pedro I na política de Mato Grosso. Naquele contexto, mobilizações com motivações e composições sociais as mais diversas se utilizaram da evocação do direito à resistência e da politização do local de nascimento para chegar a seus objetivos, apropriando-se do ideário do Sete de Abril. Em Mato Grosso, este período foi marcado por conflitos envolvendo a expulsão e desmobilização das tropas, bem como pela organização de um novo partido, alinhado ao poder central e que se tornou capaz de, num único ano, conquistar a maioria em quase todos os espaços eletivos da província, acabando com um longo domínio de um pequeno grupo de homens na política institucional. Por fim, a investigação analisa o massacre ocorrido na Rusga. São enfocadas a situação de suspensão da legalidade criada na província, além das motivações, ideários e estratégias dos protagonistas da perseguição aos nascidos em Portugal, primeiramente em Cuiabá e, em seguida, no interior. / This investigation aims to comprehend the motivations, ideas and strategies informing the different groups that had an important role in an armed mobilization that occurred in the province of Mato Grosso during the year of 1834. Initiated with the occupation of Cuiabá city barracks by the National Guard on the evening of May 30th, the so-called Rusga had as its main goal the murder of the Portuguese-born men living in the province. In order to understand the mobilization, the analysis starts with the study of the experience of the provisory juntas created in the province on the year of 1821, marking the beginning of an intense learning of politics under a liberal, constitutional and representative State. Acting in the new institutions, taking part in the public debate through the press and in the establishment and reiteration of clientelistic relations, the provinces leadership was divided by growing internal confrontation, a process that culminated in the formation of two opposed political fields. The thesis continues with the study of a sedition led by subordinate military men on December 7th 1831. The analysis focuses on the learning of politics, the political culture and the strategies of soldiers and lower-ranking officers with a past of insubordination that included at least fifteen revolts since 1821. In this process, the soldiers were able to directly interfere in the path of provincial politics through armed mobilization. Next, the study emphasizes the impact of the Abdication of Emperor d. Pedro I in the politics of Mato Grosso. In that context, mobilizations with diverse motivations and social compositions evoked the right of resistance and benefited from a considerable politicization to achieve their goals, appropriating the ideas that inspired the Abdication. In Mato Grosso, this period was marked by conflicts involving the expulsion and demobilization of troops, as well as the organization of a new party, aligned to the central government and that was capable of, in a single year, conquer majorities in almost all of the elective institutions in the province, ending the long-standing control of a small group of men over the local institutional politics. Finally, the investigation analyses the massacre occurred in the Rusga. The suspension of the rule of law in the province, as well the motivations, ideas and strategies of the persecutors of the Portuguese-born, primarily in the city of Cuiabá and, later, in the countryside, are the focus of this last session

Submitted by Rosivalda Pereira (mrs.pereira@ufma.br) on 2017-06-08T17:20:48Z No. of bitstreams: 1 YaneBotelho.pdf: 1077571 bytes, checksum: 7539bdc9a10e393e655423cc628a9757 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-06-08T17:20:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 YaneBotelho.pdf: 1077571 bytes, checksum: 7539bdc9a10e393e655423cc628a9757 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-04-17 / This investigation of Manuel Odorico Mendes’ (1799-1864) conception of brazilian nation is centered in his journalistic and parliamentary action in the decisive years of 1825 to 1833. Its central aim is understand how the writer and public man had perceived and represented Brazil in that moment (at the rising of his journalistic carreer and at his first two elections to the National Assembly). Through the observation of the most important notes of the imperial state’s formation and the changing in the historic scope wich resulted from the abandon of the Portugal-Brazil unity – that had occasioned a search for a model of national representation, a search all the way fueled in the Regencial Period –, it is our objective to analyse the intelectual production (as journalist and, at some extent, as poet and translator) and political action of Odorico Mendes as symptons of his national project (wich brings in itself some idea of national indentity) at the new status quo of post-independency, an effort that we will carry out noting, from the especificity of Odorico Mendes’ position, the general problems of the contemporary public discussion. Too much proper of his carreer, as we will argument, is his constant oscilation between the defense of a modern european model of nation (based in liberal and iluminist ideas) and it’s adaptation to a radically different reality (the brazilian one), in a way that allways postponed the consolidation of the values most praised by the author of O Argos da Lei. Not a coincidence, altough a republican, Odorico Mendes made himself one of the pivotal responsible ones for Brazil continued monarchist regime after the April 7. / A dissertação propõe o estudo da concepção de nação brasileira defendida por Manuel Odorico Mendes (1799-1864) em sua atuação jornalística e parlamentar nos anos decisivos de 1825 a 1833, assim buscando compreender como o escritor e homem público brasileiro percebeu e representou o Brasil no início de sua carreira de publicista e nas duas primeiras legislaturas da Assembleia Geral do Império. Observando as peculiaridades do processo de formação do estado imperial e a mudança de sentido histórico resultante do abandono da unidade Brasil-Portugal – que suscitou uma busca por um modelo de representação nacional, busca essa acentuada com o Período Regencial –, procuramos, por meio da atuação desse idealista como jornalista e político – e, em alguma medida, como poeta e tradutor literário –, identificar as características do projeto de nação (e de identidade nacional aí implicada) que ele nutriu para o país no pósindependência, sempre assinalando, a partir da especificidade da sua posição, os problemas gerais do debate público brasileiro de então. Notável ao longo de sua carreira, segundo defendemos, é a constante oscilação entre a defesa de um modelo de nação europeia moderna (baseada em referências iluministas e liberais) e sua adaptação à díspare realidade brasileira, que, assim, sempre adiava a realização dos valores que o maranhense mais prezava. Não à toa, republicano (bem à maneira da época), Odorico Mendes revelou-se um dos principais responsáveis pela manutenção da monarquia brasileira após o 7 de abril.

Submitted by Leticia Schettini (leticia@ufrrj.br) on 2016-10-25T12:00:01Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 - Saionara Gomes Ladeira.pdf: 1474302 bytes, checksum: eba7267a8c601ef70853c02ae5d1b664 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-25T12:00:01Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2010 - Saionara Gomes Ladeira.pdf: 1474302 bytes, checksum: eba7267a8c601ef70853c02ae5d1b664 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-09-14 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior-CAPES / Since the process of Independence the Brazilian government sought to strengthen its international relations with the Republics Plates by his desire to impose national sovereignty. It is therefore of fundamental importance to realize, the negotiations held at the border. Thus, we will demonstrate the negotiations, the political games and international treaties that were signed in the 1850s, realizing the problems that ultimately led to war in Silver. Several historiographical studies have investigated the platinum borders and foreign policy of the Empire in the River Plate. In our paper we tried to understand the social history of this region as a living space and dialogue of those people who have settled there and pushed the policy of their states. We went beyond the official sources and even them we don?t investigate the diplomatic decisions, but the guidelines set forth and the interests involved. / Desde o processo de Independ?ncia o governo brasileiro procurou fortalecer suas rela??es internacionais com as Rep?blicas Platinas por seu desejo de imposi??o da soberania nacional. Assim, ? de fundamental import?ncia perceber, as negocia??es travadas na fronteira. Desta forma, demonstraremos as negocia??es, os jogos pol?ticos e os tratados internacionais, que foram assinados na d?cada de 1850, percebendo as problem?ticas que acabaram por conduzir a Guerra no Prata. V?rios trabalhos historiogr?ficos j? investigaram as fronteiras platinas e pol?tica externa do Imp?rio no Rio da Prata. Em nossa disserta??o procuramos compreender a hist?ria social dessa regi?o como um espa?o vivo e de di?logo daquelas popula??es que ali se estabeleceram e pressionaram a pol?tica de seus Estados. Fomos al?m das fontes oficiais e mesmo nelas investigamos n?o as decis?es diplom?ticas, mas as diretrizes tra?adas e os interesses envolvidos.

A investigação tem por objetivo compreender as motivações, ideários e estratégias dos diferentes grupos que protagonizaram uma mobilização armada ocorrida na província de Mato Grosso no ano de 1834. Iniciada com a tomada do quartel de Cuiabá pela guarda nacional, na noite de 30 de maio, a Rusga teve como objetivo principal assassinar os homens nascidos em Portugal que viviam na província. Para compreender a mobilização, a análise parte da experiência das juntas provisórias criadas na província em 1821, quando teve início um intenso aprendizado da política sob um Estado liberal, constitucional e representativo. Atuando nas novas instituições, no debate público por via da imprensa e no estabelecimento e reiteração de relações de clientela, as lideranças da província se enfrentaram num processo que culminou na formação de dois campos políticos opostos. Em seguida, é abordada uma sedição feita por militares subalternos em 7 de dezembro de 1831. A análise enfoca os aprendizados, a cultura política e as estratégias dos soldados e oficiais inferiores, que já vinham de uma trajetória de contestação que incluía pelo menos quinze revoltas desde 1821. Neste processo, os soldados se tornaram capazes de interferir diretamente nos rumos da política provincial através da mobilização armada. O estudo passa então a tratar do impacto da Abdicação de d. Pedro I na política de Mato Grosso. Naquele contexto, mobilizações com motivações e composições sociais as mais diversas se utilizaram da evocação do direito à resistência e da politização do local de nascimento para chegar a seus objetivos, apropriando-se do ideário do Sete de Abril. Em Mato Grosso, este período foi marcado por conflitos envolvendo a expulsão e desmobilização das tropas, bem como pela organização de um novo partido, alinhado ao poder central e que se tornou capaz de, num único ano, conquistar a maioria em quase todos os espaços eletivos da província, acabando com um longo domínio de um pequeno grupo de homens na política institucional. Por fim, a investigação analisa o massacre ocorrido na Rusga. São enfocadas a situação de suspensão da legalidade criada na província, além das motivações, ideários e estratégias dos protagonistas da perseguição aos nascidos em Portugal, primeiramente em Cuiabá e, em seguida, no interior. / This investigation aims to comprehend the motivations, ideas and strategies informing the different groups that had an important role in an armed mobilization that occurred in the province of Mato Grosso during the year of 1834. Initiated with the occupation of Cuiabá city barracks by the National Guard on the evening of May 30th, the so-called Rusga had as its main goal the murder of the Portuguese-born men living in the province. In order to understand the mobilization, the analysis starts with the study of the experience of the provisory juntas created in the province on the year of 1821, marking the beginning of an intense learning of politics under a liberal, constitutional and representative State. Acting in the new institutions, taking part in the public debate through the press and in the establishment and reiteration of clientelistic relations, the provinces leadership was divided by growing internal confrontation, a process that culminated in the formation of two opposed political fields. The thesis continues with the study of a sedition led by subordinate military men on December 7th 1831. The analysis focuses on the learning of politics, the political culture and the strategies of soldiers and lower-ranking officers with a past of insubordination that included at least fifteen revolts since 1821. In this process, the soldiers were able to directly interfere in the path of provincial politics through armed mobilization. Next, the study emphasizes the impact of the Abdication of Emperor d. Pedro I in the politics of Mato Grosso. In that context, mobilizations with diverse motivations and social compositions evoked the right of resistance and benefited from a considerable politicization to achieve their goals, appropriating the ideas that inspired the Abdication. In Mato Grosso, this period was marked by conflicts involving the expulsion and demobilization of troops, as well as the organization of a new party, aligned to the central government and that was capable of, in a single year, conquer majorities in almost all of the elective institutions in the province, ending the long-standing control of a small group of men over the local institutional politics. Finally, the investigation analyses the massacre occurred in the Rusga. The suspension of the rule of law in the province, as well the motivations, ideas and strategies of the persecutors of the Portuguese-born, primarily in the city of Cuiabá and, later, in the countryside, are the focus of this last session