The present stage of the vast majority of the peoples of the third world is characterized as existing in various stages of underdevelopment. Beyond that, however, there does not appear to he any overriding consensus as to how they got there, or perhaps more importantl;/", what combination of policies are likely to obviate such conditions. Consequently, there has been a proliferation of theories and prescriptions that have resulted in varying degrees of success and failure, without succeeding in-any major way to alleviate the conditions of poverty and oppression. The major problem with such attempts is in their "all-or-nothing" approach'", characterized by the belief that specific changes are either all pervading in their effects or, on the other hand, are not significant enough to warrant any particular distinction. The purpose of this study is to show that such an approach is misleading, First of all, underdevelopment is seen as the result of a specific form of development that has as its basis the relationship of the advanced capitalist and the underdeveloped countries of the third world. Since this relationship is characterized by a host of interlocking arrangements it is necessary, to comprehend them in their totality, if the process is to be understood at all. It should be immediately recognized, however, that though specific changes may not effect the structural contingencies of the relationship, they sometimes are of such significance that they constitute an important change. Such an articulation of the problem has the decisive advantage of noting and recording the specific changes within this relationship while recognizing the all pervasive effects of its totality. The result of such an investigation led us to the following conclusions: (l) the recent change in the attitude of the advanced capitalist countries has resulted in greater flexibility in their dealings with the underdeveloped countries. Most important, in this respect, has been that the "enclave economies" have been largely relinquished. Multinational corporations, at the same time, have been willing and. even calling for local government participation in their activities. (2) Governments of the third world have demanded and subsequently appropriated greater control of the local economy through participation and even nationalization of key sectors. This, in addition, allowed for greater maneuverability on the so called "inter-imperialist battlefield", with the result that they can now appropriately be described as junior partners of the system. Thus", imperialism and development are not contradictory terms; it is simply that dependent underdevelopment is the new form of imperialist control. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

General Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck’s East African Campaign was a conventional war of movement. Lettow based his operations on the military principles deduced from his thorough German military education and oversea deployments to China and German South West Africa. Upon assignment to German East Africa, he sought to convert the colony’s protectorate force from a counterinsurgency force to a conventional military force. His conventional strategy succeeded early in the war, especially at the Battle of Tanga in October 1914. However, his strategy failed as the war in East Africa intensified. He suffered a calamitous defeat at the Battle of Mahiwa in November 1917, and the heavy losses forced Lettow to adopt the counterinsurgency tactics of the colonial protectorate force.

Orientador: Arlete Moysés Rodrigues / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Geociências / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-26T20:02:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Iaderozza_FabioEduardo_D.pdf: 2091120 bytes, checksum: 5e774c7d975681b8c7cc33a3dc84a509 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: A década de 1990 assistiu ao predomínio de ideais liberais-globalizantes, cuja principal marca foi o processo de privatização nas suas mais variadas formas. A pressão exercida por países do centro para a adoção de um sistema de propriedade industrial mais adequado aos interesses de grupos hegemônicos, fez surgir uma nova legislação sobre Propriedade Industrial no Brasil que abriu a possibilidade para se privatizar as riquezas naturais contidas em território nacional, como aquelas oriundas da biodiversidade, bem como o conhecimento tradicional associado. Levando-se em conta os avanços que estão ocorrendo em áreas como biotecnologia e engenharia genética, tidas como muito promissoras em meio aos novos domínios do capital, o fato de possuir ou ter acesso à biodiversidade tornou-se estratégico para a reprodução ampliada do capital. Diante dessa constatação, a tese analisa o processo histórico no qual se observa à crescente mercantilização da natureza, cujo resultado é a ampliação da produção de mercadorias a partir de suas riquezas, não para atender as necessidades humanas, mas aos interesses do capital. Com os Direitos de Propriedade Industrial cria-se a possibilidade de apropriação, por parte de grandes empresas transnacionais, das riquezas naturais existentes em dado território. Com isso, impõe-se uma nova forma de dominação, não diretamente nas terras, mas no acesso aos recursos genéticos patenteados, expropriando as comunidades tradicionais e os países biodiversos de seus conhecimentos e de suas riquezas. Consideramos esse tipo de apropriação a versão contemporânea dos enclosures, dado que a propriedade cercada e o monopólio são os objetivos finais / Abstract: The 1990s faced the predominance of liberal-globalizing ideals, whose main result was the process of privatization in its many forms. The pressure exerted by core countries for the adoption of a system more appropriate industrial property to the interests of hegemonic groups, introduced a new legislative industrial property law in Brazil that opened the possibility of privatizing the natural resources contained in the national territory, such as those arising from biodiversity and the associated traditional knowledge. Taking into consideration the advances that are occurring in areas such as biotechnology and genetic engineering, considered as very promising among the new domain of the capital, the fact of possessing or having access to biodiversity has become strategic for the expanded reproduction of the investment. Considering this fact, the thesis analyzes the historical process in which one observes the increasing commodification of nature, the result of which is the expansion of commodity production from their resources, not to meet human needs, but to the meet the capital interests. The industrial property rights creates the possibility of proprietorship by large transnational companies of the existing natural resources in a given territory. With this, a new form of domination is imposed, not directly on the land, but on the access of the patented genetic resources, expropriating traditional communities and the biodiverse countries of their knowledge and their resources. We consider this type of ownership the contemporary version of the enclosures, as the fenced property and monopoly are the ultimate goals / Doutorado / Análise Ambiental e Dinâmica Territorial / Doutor em Geografia

The premise of this thesis is to show how imperialism is an extension of Ciceronian humanism in More’s Utopia. Core Ciceronian premises, such as rhetoric and the vita activa in relation to imperialism are explored. Cicero called for liberating the barbarians from their savage state by dint of turning them into civic agents that enjoy their legal rights in a civil society by virtue of using rhetoric. Cicero’s vita activa is implemented by practicing philosophy of the vita activa and being active to serve the commonwealth outwardly (other commonwealths). This thesis shows that More’s Utopia is constructed upon Cicero’s ethical man; the Utopians are presented as the best people, for they are morally superior. Consequently, they are the best people to rule other commonwealths (imperialism). This thesis will also show that the ecology in Utopia is colonized and cultivated by the Utopians. The process of cultivation is implemented by virtue of the studia humanitatis and, the ecology is subordinated to the conquerors’ reason, which will be illustrated in this thesis. In addition, this thesis will highlight the similarities between the account of Cicero and More in relation to imperialism and chauvinism. Cicero’s discourse has chauvinism in his depiction of the Gauls and imperialism in his account of Romulus. Similarly, Hythloday’s account of Utopus and the Utopians is imperialistic; Utopia valorizes imperialist rhetoric by justifying seizing the lands of the barbarians under the pretext of civilizing them. This thesis also illustrates how More’s and Cicero’s rhetoric of imperialism corresponds to Herlihy- Mera’s three phases of cultural conquest, namely merchants, military, and politicians.

Thesis advisor: Heather Cox Richardson / Throughout the nineteenth century, southern Democrats had one continual objective: to preserve racial hierarchy in their home region. Direct efforts in the 1870s, though, failed to eliminate the threat that Republicans might renew Reconstruction. So, in the 1880s, white southerners in Congress developed an array of softer, less direct approaches. Their goal was to foster reconciliation with white northerners, undercutting support for Reconstruction and securing white supremacy for the South. With one issue more than any other, they succeeded: expansion of the U.S. Navy. Recognizing that global developments and the decrepit state of the U.S. Navy were increasing concern about national defense, Congressman Hilary Abner Herbert (D-AL) positioned himself to become a champion of naval expansion. A former enslaver with no maritime experience, the Confederate colonel leveraged an appointment as chair of the House Committee on Naval Affairs in 1885. Over the next eight years, Herbert established bipartisan and cross-sectional support for naval legislation in the House and spearheaded the most drastic peacetime military buildup Americans had ever seen. The interests of this “Father of the New Navy,” though, were chiefly sectional. For Herbert, militarization was a means to advancing reconciliation and securing white supremacy for the South. He stated this purpose clearly both in private and public. In 1890, he put it into practice. When Republicans introduced legislation to address voting rights in the South, Herbert wielded his reputation for bipartisanship and reconciliation against it, threatening violence and an end to economic unity. On the national level, Herbert’s use of naval expansion to further reconciliation escalated militarization and paved the way for an overseas U.S. empire. In the South, the Alabamian’s efforts helped open the door for a new system of legalized white supremacy that he celebrated as “a final solution of the negro question.” / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2021. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History.

This is a two-pronged study of how the Chinese and Tibetan literary traditions have become intertwined in the modern era. Setting out from the contention that the study of minority literatures in China must be fundamentally multilingual in its approach, this dissertation investigates how Tibetans were written into Chinese literature, and how Tibetans themselves adopted and adapted Chinese literary discourses to their own ends. It begins with Lu Xun and the formative literary conceptions of nation in the late Qing and Republican periods – a time when the Tibetan subject was fundamentally absent from modern Chinese literature – and then moves to the 1980s, when Tibet and Tibetans belatedly, and contentiously, became valid subject matter for Han Chinese writers. The second aspect of the project situates modern Tibetan-language literature, which arose from the 1980s onwards, within the literary and intellectual context of modern China. I read Döndrup Gyel, modern Tibetan literature’s “father figure,” as working within unmistakably Lu Xun-ian paradigms, I consider the contradictions that arose when Tsering Döndrup’s short story “Ralo” was interpreted as a Tibetan equivalent of “The True Story of Ah Q,” and I analyze the rise of a “Tibetan May Fourth Movement” in the 2000s, which I argue presented a selective reading of modern China’s intellectual history. Throughout, I focus on the intersections and divergences at play and examine the ways in which these texts navigate complex and conflicting discourses of nationalism, statism, and colonialism. The conclusions of this research point us toward significant theoretical reconceptualizations of literary practices in the People’s Republic of China, which now include not only a vast body of Chinese-language writing on minority peoples, but also numerous minority-language literatures and distinct “national” literary traditions.

This dissertation investigates China’s relationship with Inner Asia—encompassing Tibet, Mongolia, and Xinjiang—by focusing on information exchange, economic integration, and worldview formation from the seventeenth to the twentieth centuries in an international context. Supplementing modern and classical Chinese sources with multilingual materials in Tibetan, Mongolian, Manchu, Japanese, and a range of European languages, my research diversifies scholarly understanding of China’s development as a nation by emphasizing the significant roles of Inner Asian peoples in building the Qing empire. I argue that, instead of a marginal hinterland, Inner Asia was the contact zone that brought Eurasian cultures and knowledge systems together. Moreover, this work challenges the binary discourse of metropole/periphery in the history of imperialism, colonialism, and globalization by demonstrating that the integration of knowledge systems in modern Eurasia started from Inner Asia. Engaging with the scholarship of comparative world history, I argue for the Great Convergence, a novel term that signifies the information exchange, economic integration, and knowledge formation that mobile communities and intelligence networks in Inner Asia facilitated between China, South Asia, and Europe. My research features interdisciplinary methods that bridge the gap between international history and world philology, among other disciplines. This dissertation analyzes information and economic networks between China and Inner Asia. More broadly, the present study contributes to the literature on imperialism, transnationalism, mobility, ethnicity, and science/knowledge in global and comparative contexts. To be specific, this dissertation investigates how Inner Asian mobile communities, such as Tibetan monks, Mongolian pilgrims, and Ladakhi caravans facilitated Qing understandings of other Eurasian empires, including Tsarist Russia, Ottoman Turkey, Mughal India, Afsharid Iran, and Durrani Afghanistan. Moreover, I argue that Qing information gathering significantly promoted the international integration of information networks and knowledge systems in early modern Eurasia. Finally, this dissertation generalizes historical trends of knowledge exchange to explore the phenomenon of the Qing empire’s knowledge involution caused by political censorship and information non-transparency. Accordingly, this research sheds light on knowledge divergence between China and Europe to answer why the Qing empire did not achieve a modern scientific revolution compared with its European counterparts.

Bloodless Battles argues for multiplicity of claims to imperial sovereignty contested by the empires of the Ottomans, the Qajars (in Iran), and the British in the space of Ottoman Iraq in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. It considers the imperial assertion of sovereignty on space in the dialectic relationship between knowledge production and law. It focuses on how the space of Ottoman Iraq was contested through knowledge production in the four different disciplines of geography, archaeology, history, and medicine beyond the border as a marker of the beginning and end of territorial sovereignty. Through comparative analysis of sources from the Ottoman, Iranian, and British archives, I examine how the whole space was mapped, photographed, and written about in order to understand the discourses shaping law and jurisdiction over specific corridors and enclaves of imperial sovereignty within Ottoman Iraq. In this way Bloodless Battles contributes to histories of empire, international relations, science and technology, Ottoman Empire, Qajar Empire, British Empire, and Iraq.

The dissertation argues that we witness a contingent synergy in contemporary Israel-Palestine between an apparent functional superfluity of Palestinians, and Palestinian labor in particular, with respect to the interests of Israeli capitalists, and their disposability with respect to the identitarian logic of exclusionary ultra-nationalist and settler-colonial politics. Under a matrix of inclusion/exclusion, I propose, Palestinians are today superfluous in a double sense: as the unproductive of the capitalist system, and as the undesired racialized population beyond the pale of law. I show how, with the withering of a majority of Palestinian workers from the labor market with the becoming capital rather than labor-intensive of the Israeli economy, and with the (unequal) opening of the global labor market that allowed for their substitution with migrant workers, Israel gradually but systematically began shedding its responsibility for the administered population, concomitantly with enforcing an ever greater control over their bodies and territory. Thus, premised on a principle of minimal responsibility for and maximal control over its subject population, Israeli subjugation of Palestinians is based today on control beyond discipline, and de-capacitization of economic production beyond direct exploitation. Israeli arrangement, control, and management of space and movement today has as its aim to disengage Palestinians i.e., creating a space with the intention of minimizing unwanted encounters with, and responsibility for the subjugated population, while maintaining the highest possible degree of control over them. Predicated on the obviation of native labor as means for its economic flourishing, Israel’s separation regime has mostly expelled Palestinians from the circuits of production and, ostensibly, also from most Jewish Israelis’ conscious mind. No longer mediated to the same degree by the sort of engagements previously operative—be it in the sense of labor relations or cohabitation of public space—racial violence structurally distinct from, and potentially more intensive than that of “exploitative racism” is daily threatening to materialize. This diagram of militarized capitalism, I suggest, illuminates a crisis of both the State of Israel and of late capitalism, insofar as both increasingly require excessive exercises of violence in order to self-preserve. If capitalism is said to produce its own gravediggers in the guise of the unemployed and the poor, in Israel capitalist elites mitigate the resulting antagonisms by turning increasingly to nurtured ethnonationalist sentiments and a racialized welfare state under a neoliberal mantel, thus alleviating pressures from itself and displacing dissatisfaction onto a criminalized Palestinian “Other.” I propose that bringing about egalitarian forms of collective life in Israel/Palestine hinges not simply on the recognition of vulnerability, precarity and ontological interdependence as the sine qua non of the human condition (and thus as a foundation for ethical prescriptions and norms), but crucially also on engineering the (political) vulnerability of those structures, institutions and actors that are today in large measure invulnerable or immune to the claims and demands of anti-apartheid and anti-capitalist struggles. I suggest that such an effort would require a radical re-orientation of the unchosen adjacency between Palestinians and Israeli-Jews, and might be brought about vis-a-vis coalitional politics drawing on the remaining webs of interdependence across the segregated landscape of Israel-Palestine, working through the fundamental contradiction between Zionist territorial maximalism and the the imperative to reduce if not entirely avoid contact with Palestinians, and on multiple registers—from directly anticolonial struggles to those under a non-hegemonic articulation.

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