The town of Izalco in El Salvador has recently become the site of indigenous revival. This development is occurring in the midst of numerous narratives at the national and local levels which assert that the indigenous Náhuat-Pipil people have disappeared from El Salvador. The causal assumption is that indigenous people were massacred during a peasant uprising in 1932 and since then, the remaining few assimilated into the dominant mestizo culture through the adoption of ladino language, dress and traditions. The purpose of this dissertation is therefore to analyze this apparent paradox, where indigeneity oscillates between presence and absence. Using an interpretivist political ethnographic framework, this dissertation deepens our understanding of indigeneity by identifying hidden practices and discourses, across everyday social contexts in Izalco, which give meaning to indigeneity. Rather than beginning with set ‘ethnic’ criteria aimed at examining how a pre-established group of indigenous people experience indigeneity, I focus my analysis on four areas where indigeneity surfaced: as part of cultural celebrations (during Día de la Cruz), in stories and storytelling practices, through visual representations of ‘Indians’, and within the context of the global tourism industry. My research therefore moves beyond the tendencies of negating an indigenous presence because of the perceived absence of essentialist ethnic identifiers in El Salvador. In approaching the study of indigeneity in such a manner, I demonstrate the pervasiveness of hegemonic colonial representations through which people give meaning to indigeneity. Across the sites of analysis presented in this dissertation, expressions of indigeneity (that is, when people speak, in images, spaces, religious rituals, and social interactions) consistently reproduce colonial power relations, in which the Indian is positioned as inferior in relation to mestizos. Such a characterization also suggests that it is indigeneity, rather than simply indigenous people, which has been subject to coloniality.

This dissertation considers the ethical and methodological challenges that the transformative movements of Indigenous resurgence present to political theory scholarship’s ways of telling, giving accounts of and accounting for, Indigenous politics. It takes experiences of the grassroots mobilizations of Idle No More in the winter of 2012-13, deemed a flashpoint political event and perceivable as an appearance of resurgence in Canada’s settler-dominated public spaces, as impetus to confront these challenges. It describes the discursive and epistemological reorientations advocated by Indigenous theorists and activists on resurgence, away from external recognition and toward regeneration of traditional and decolonial lifeways and intellectual systems. This involves refusals of demands for the disclosure and intelligibility of Indigenous knowledges, practices and stories in these refigurative processes. It suggests these reorientations highlight and also disrupt a pervasive colonial drive to classificatory apprehensions of Indigenous peoples that deny their inherent rights and powers of self-determination and attempt their capture and reformation into governable subjects; meeting structural exigencies of settler-colonial dispossession and domination. It argues that addressing how political theory scholarship might capitulate to and reproduce this colonial apprehensiveness is a necessary critical project, but more so is articulating substantively how it might instead model resurgence’s reorientations. Resources to describe, analytically link and recount political action in these ways, balancing imperatives to theorize and tell with its risks and uncertainties, can be found in Indigenous storytelling principles, whose patterns can be aligned with certain sublimated threads in Euro-Western thought. This dissertation engages and begins to contribute to both endeavors. / Graduate / 2019-12-06

This thesis intends to examine a sámi perspective on Swedish educational policy between 1962 and 1994. To do so the curriculum of the Swedish schools and the sámi schools are analyzed. The sámi perspective in the thesis is represented by the debate about educational policy in a sámi journal, Samefolket.The results show that the Swedish curriculums from 1962-1994 don’t mention the sámi people and only the last one, the one from 1980, are stating shortly that groups within Sweden are to be treated with solidarity. Otherwise the sámis aren’t mentioned. In the curriculums for the sámi schools that only permitted sámi children, one can find that the purpose of those schools were to strengthen the sámi people in their culture and language.In the debate about education politics in the journal Samefolket it appears that there were three themes of subjects that were central in the debate. The first was the debate on the organizational form of the sámi schools. It appears that the voices in the debate of educational policy in Samefolket wanted greater sami influence in the sami school, however, this study shows that the Samefolket-debate did not comment on the educational policy reforms themselves. The study shows that the sámi voices in Samefolket wanted to keep the special sámi schools and that the two motives, which was the second theme of the debate, were to keep and to defend their culture. In the curriculum för the sami schools, this was also the motive. The third theme was of how the school system in Sweden was educating the non-sámi people about the sámi. In this theme the prime focus was about how sámis were represented in Swedish textbooks and the study shows that there were, according to the voices in Samefolket, a great disappointment in these.At last, from a culture imperialistic theory one can make the observation that the sámi schools were motivated as an important institution because the Swedish school system couldn’t give the sámi an education to fulfill their cultural needs. This is a result from the analysis of the Swedish school curriculums in comparison with the debate in the journal Samefolket, where the Swedish schools were criticized for being ethnocentric in the sense that the text books presented a stereotype of the sámis. The culture, most often represented by the language, play an important role in the educational policy debate in the Samefolket, which strengthen a language-based definition of the sámi culture.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-03T19:26:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 16 / Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos / Este trabalho tem como objetivo central analisar as ações tomadas pelos agentes oficiais encarregados pela aplicação da política indigenista no Rio Grande do Sul entre 1834 e 1868. Para tal análise foram consultados prioritariamente os documentos oficiais produzidos naquele período pelos Juizados de Órfãos, pelas Diretorias de Índios e pela Presidência da Província, que se encontram reunidos no acervo do Arquivo Histórico do Rio Grande do Sul (AHRGS). Entre esses, os gerados após 1845 passaram ainda por um recorte de ordem geográfica, tendo sido selecionados os relativos aos aldeamentos da Guarita, Nonoai e da Colônia Militar de Caseros. Buscando subsídios para a análise proposta, o texto apresenta, como primeiro capítulo, um histórico da Questão Indígena no Brasil desde o período de dominação portuguesa até o Império brasileiro.O segundo capítulo focaliza o encaminhamento da Questão Indígena no Rio Grande do Sul durante o século XIX, concretizado pela formação de aldeamentos indígenas na zona do planalto su / This Paper has as primary objective analyze the actions maked by the official agents in charge for the application of indigenous politics in Rio Grande do Sul between 1834 and 1868. For this analysis was primarily consulted the official documents produced in that time by the Orphan Court, the Indigenous Directory and the Province Presidency, that is found on the Historical Archive of Rio Grande do Sul (AHRGS). The ones generated after 1845 passed by a geographic clip, selecting the files related to the Guarita, Nonoai and Colônia Militar dos Caseros villages. Searching for subsidy for the proposed analysis the paper presents, as the first chapter, a historical of the Indigenous Matter on Rio Grande do Sul in Brazil since the Portuguese domination to the Brazilian empire. The second chapter focus on the guidance of the Indigenous Matter on Rio Grande do Sul on the XIX century, realized by the indigenous village formation in the plateau zone from Rio Grande do Sul. In that chapter there is a privilege on th

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-05T12:06:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 28 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / A presente tese busca investigar o lugar destinado às populações nativas em um discurso construído a partir da noção de modernidade pelas elites gaúchas e quais as práticas concretizadas a partir desse discurso, no período de 1908 a 1928, no estado do Rio Grande do Sul. Nosso fio condutor será o conceito de “Proteção Fraterna”. A Diretoria de Terras e Colonização, permeada pelos ideários comteanos, foi responsável por organizar um projeto de civilização para os nativos, a partir do processo de modernização que estava em marcha no Estado, estabelecido pelo PRR (Partido Republicano Rio-Grandense). A DTC procurou empreender o progresso através dos seguintes agentes: os colonos, as estradas e as populações nativas. A Proteção Fraterna aos nativos foi colocada em prática no estado, frente ao contexto nacional que fomentava uma nova orientação no trato com as populações autóctones. A nova orientação era representada pela criação do SPILTN (Serviço de Proteção ao Índio e Localização de Trabalhadores Nacionais), em 1 / The present work aims at investigating the role given to the native population in the discourse built from notions of modernity by the elite from Rio Grande do Sul, as well as the practices that were made real based on such discourse during the period between 1908 and 1928. The main point is the concept known as “Proteção Fraterna”. The “Diretoria de Terras e Colonização”, pervaded by Comte’s ideas, was responsible for organizing a project of civilization for the native peoples having as a starting point the process of modernization in course in that state, which had been established by the “PRR” (“Partido Republicano Rio-Grandense”). The “DTC” tried to undertake the process through a number of agents: the countryside people, the roads and the native population. The “Proteção Fraterna” for the natives was put into action in the state facing a national context that had set a new kind of orientation for dealing with the aboriginal population. This new orientation was represented by the creation of the “Serviço

Amidst recent mobilizations of Indigenous land-based resistance and the hypocrisy inherent in the state’s implementation of UNDRIP they render visible, resource-extractive corporate capital is uniquely invested in the state’s continued ability to dispossess land from Indigenous peoples. This paper suggests that growing emphasis on Indigenous-state relations within industry-funded think tanks offers corporate capital an unprecedented avenue to participate in the evolution of federal policy discourse on state-Indigenous reconciliation. It draws on a content analysis of policy materials from four of these institutions ranging from far-right groups such as the Fraser Institute to the more moderate Institute on Governance, contextualizing findings in recent and substantive shifts in federal policy development in this area. Findings suggest that the groups’ relative diversity is underscored by common discursive themes infused by neoliberal governing rationalities that invoke a diffuse, flexible and agile policy landscape that erases the question of land—and Indigenous jurisdiction over land—which many Indigenous peoples identify as critical to meaningful reconciliation efforts. / Graduate / 2020-04-29

Submitted by Geyciane Santos (geyciane_thamires@hotmail.com) on 2015-05-27T14:53:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Inara do Nascimento Tavares.pdf: 1125989 bytes, checksum: c670f14e609069890fe810b31165c4d2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2015-05-27T17:56:40Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Inara do Nascimento Tavares.pdf: 1125989 bytes, checksum: c670f14e609069890fe810b31165c4d2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Divisão de Documentação/BC Biblioteca Central (ddbc@ufam.edu.br) on 2015-05-27T18:21:37Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Inara do Nascimento Tavares.pdf: 1125989 bytes, checksum: c670f14e609069890fe810b31165c4d2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-27T18:21:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação - Inara do Nascimento Tavares.pdf: 1125989 bytes, checksum: c670f14e609069890fe810b31165c4d2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-13 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The discussion presented in this master'sthesis aims to analyze the configuration of Indian policy, considering as an ethnographic field the Course for Indigenous Managers of Projects from the Central Corridor of Amazon - PDPI/MMA (Demonstrative Projects of Indigenous People/ Ministry of Environment), accomplished in Manaus (Amazonas, Brazil), from February 2009 until March 2010. The purpose of this course was to bring up the technical, political and cultural subjects involved in building projects and to empower indigenous indicated by their indigenous organizations and communities to manage their own projects in a properly way. To analyze the configuration of indigenous policy, I will use the trajectories of João, José, Joaquim and Maria, indigenous managers of projects from the Solimões middle River region (Tefé and Alvarães Cities), trained by this course. Through this, I seek to understand the social impact of the course on the history of these indigenous people in relation to their initial expectations. The trajectories reveal agencies driven by Indians in Indian settings, which result in effects not measured by indigenism settings. They also reveal how relationships are established between Indigenous and the Brazilian State in the field of public policy and how the indigenous social movement articulate the various concepts, agents and agencies that make up this configuration. / A discussão apresentada nesta dissertação objetiva analisar a configuração da política indigenista, considerando como campo etnográfico o Curso de Formação de Gestores de Projetos Indígenas do Corredor Central da Amazônia - PDPI/MMA (Projetos Demonstrativos dos Povos Indígenas/ Ministério do Meio Ambiente), realizado em Manaus, no período de fevereiro de 2009 a março de 2010, com a finalidade de abordar as questões técnicas, políticas, culturais envolvidas na construção de projetos, afim de capacitar os indígenas indicados por suas organizações indígenas e suas comunidades a gerir seus projetos de forma adequada. Para análise da configuração da política indígena, trago as trajetórias de João, José, Joaquim e Maria, indígenas da região do Médio Solimões (Tefé e Alvarães), gestores indígenas de projeto formados por este curso. Com isto, busco compreender os efeitos sociais do curso na trajetória desses indígenas em relação às suas expectativas iniciais. As trajetórias revelam as agências acionadas pelos indígenas nas configurações indígenas, que resultam em efeitos não mensurados pelas configurações indigenistas. Revelam também como são estabelecidas relações entre indígenas e Estado brasileiro no campo das políticas públicas e como o movimento indígena articula os diversos conceitos, agentes e agências que constituem essa configuração.

This research explores the implications of the distinction between transactional and relational understandings of the Numbered Treaties, negotiated by Indigenous peoples and the Dominion of Canada from 1871-1921. It deconstructs representations of the Numbered Treaties as “land transactions” and challenges the associated forms of oppression that emerge from this interpretation. Drawing on oral histories of the Numbered Treaties, it argues instead that they established a framework for relationship that expressly affirmed the continuity of Indigenous legal and political orders. Further, this dissertation positions treaties as a longstanding Indigenous political institution, arguing for the resurgence of a treaty-based ethic of relationality that has multiple applications in the contemporary context. It demonstrates how a relational understanding of treaties can function as a powerful strategy of refusal to incorporation within the nation state; arguing that if treaties are understood as structures of co-existence rather than land transactions, settler colonial assertions of hegemonic authority over Indigenous peoples and lands remain illegitimate. Furthermore, it examines how a relational orientation to treaties might inspire alternatives to violent, asymmetrical, and hierarchical forms of co-existence between humans and with other living beings. To this end, it takes up the potential for treaties to inform legal and political strategies that are reflective of Indigenous philosophies of relationality, providing applied examples at the individual, intrasocietal, and intersocietal levels. / Graduate / 2018-12-18

The project of sustainable development has been a guiding principle in international economic and political relations for decades. Though promising progress and the eradication of poverty, while securing the environment, the development project has come at a significant price in terms of environmental degradation and the erosion of domestic norms and identities. Thus, there is a clear tension between the goals and outcomes of the historical trajectory of the development discourse which provides great insight into global North-South relations. The paper has two simultaneous aims of the paper. The first is to investigate the nature of the Western paradigm of sustainable development in natural resource extraction and interrogate its supposed commitment to fostering economic growth while simultaneously supporting environmental sustainability. The application of a Foucaultian lens, with the incorporation of key concepts such as governmentality and regimes of truth, functions to recover subject positions of the discourse. First, the Northern position of power and truth dissemination and second, the Southern actors whose beliefs disappear through the identity ascription inherent to the Western notion of sustainable development. Finding the cosmopolitan foundations of sustainable development to be fictitious, the paper then develops to the second aim of the paper: the possibility of alternative frameworks of natural resource extraction, finding value within the institutionalization of indigenous cosmologies and traditional knowledges in development governance at the local and global level. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

Les relations entre l’État québécois et les peuples autochtones sont marquées à la fois d’avancées, mais aussi de tensions et de contradictions. Peu d’études se sont intéressées à l’évolution de la politique québécoise à l’égard des Premiers Peuples et aux facteurs derrière celle-ci. Ce mémoire vise à mieux comprendre et à expliquer l’évolution des relations Québec-Autochtones de 1960 à 2022. L’évolution est d’abord caractérisée par de longues périodes d’inertie où les politiques changent peu, ponctuées par des épisodes de changements rapides induits par des moments de crise ou d’instabilité. De 1973 à 2005, les relations se consolident sur le plan juridique, puis politique et ensuite économique. Il est alors possible de parler d’une institutionnalisation basée sur la reconnaissance du statut et des droits des peuples autochtones. Cette dernière est toutefois circonscrite à l’intérieur des lois du Québec et ne pourrait porter atteinte à l’intégrité territoriale de la province. À partir du milieu des années 2000, les relations entrent dans une période de stabilité où elles évoluent de manière incrémentale par sédimentation. Une fois les relations institutionnalisées, nous assistons à l’émergence d’un phénomène de dépendance au sentier : les modalités, les principes et les structures se stabilisent, mais les domaines d’intervention étatiques s’accroissent entre 2006–2022. Cette période est caractérisée par une fragmentation des relations conduisant vers une décentralisation grandissante ainsi qu’un virage administratif dans les dynamiques relationnelles avec les nations autochtones durant cette dernière période. Ce mémoire démontre que l’évolution des relations s’explique par l’interaction de trois facteurs : l’activisme politique et juridique des Autochtones, l’évolution du cadre constitutionnel canadien et la présence structurante du nationalisme québécois. / The relationship between the Quebec state and Indigenous peoples is marked by both progress as well as tensions and contradictions. Few studies have delved into the evolution of Quebec’s policies towards First Peoples and the factors underlying this evolution. This thesis aims to better understand and explain the evolution of Quebec-Indigenous relations from 1960–2022. The evolution is first characterized by long periods of inertia, where policies change little, punctuated by episodes of rapid change induced by moments of crisis or instability. From 1973–2005, relations consolidate legally, then politically, and subsequently economically. It becomes possible to speak of institutionalization based on the recognition of the status and rights of Indigenous peoples. However, this recognition is confined within Quebec’s laws and cannot compromise the province’s territorial integrity. Starting from the mid-2000s, relations enter a period of stability where they evolve not in reaction to external events, but rather incrementally through sedimentation. Once the relations are institutionalized, a path dependency phenomenon emerges: modalities, principles, and structures stabilize, but areas of state intervention expand between 2006–2022. This period is characterized by increasing decentralization and what we term an administrative shift in the relational dynamics with Indigenous nations. Ultimately, this thesis demonstrates that the evolution of Quebec-Indigenous relations is explained by the interaction of three factors: Indigenous political and legal activism, the evolution of the Canadian constitutional framework, and the shaping presence of nationalism.