The project of sustainable development has been a guiding principle in international economic and political relations for decades. Though promising progress and the eradication of poverty, while securing the environment, the development project has come at a significant price in terms of environmental degradation and the erosion of domestic norms and identities. Thus, there is a clear tension between the goals and outcomes of the historical trajectory of the development discourse which provides great insight into global North-South relations. The paper has two simultaneous aims of the paper. The first is to investigate the nature of the Western paradigm of sustainable development in natural resource extraction and interrogate its supposed commitment to fostering economic growth while simultaneously supporting environmental sustainability. The application of a Foucaultian lens, with the incorporation of key concepts such as governmentality and regimes of truth, functions to recover subject positions of the discourse. First, the Northern position of power and truth dissemination and second, the Southern actors whose beliefs disappear through the identity ascription inherent to the Western notion of sustainable development. Finding the cosmopolitan foundations of sustainable development to be fictitious, the paper then develops to the second aim of the paper: the possibility of alternative frameworks of natural resource extraction, finding value within the institutionalization of indigenous cosmologies and traditional knowledges in development governance at the local and global level. / Thesis / Master of Arts (MA)

Notre étude questionne la réception des discours et pratiques de développement durable et de RSE dans les pays du Sud. Nous adoptons une hypothèse de départ qui est que ces discours placent ces pays en situation de double bind. Après avoir tracé les contours des débats sur le développement durable et la RSE notre recherche empirique porte sur un projet tripartite de solidarité numérique franco-sénégalais. Une approche quasi-ethnographique, parfois auto-ethnographique, inspirée par K. Stewart nous permet de partir à la recherche d‟indice de double bind, de voir comment certaines pratiques, discours ou situations laissent entrevoir un malaise dans la réception. En confrontant ces observations avec le cadre de la théorie du don, nous remarquons que les effets des pratiques et discours dans le cas observé sont à l‟opposé de ce que prédit les recherches sur le don. Le don d‟ordinateurs semble unilatéral, ne crée pas de lien, au contraire semble éloigner les protagonistes. Les théories de Bateson et de l‟école de Palo Alto apportent un regard systémique sur cette situation, montrant que Nord et Sud sont en situation d‟injonctions paradoxales, les poussant vers des toujours plus menaçant de faire éclater la relation (schismogenèse). Nous concluons sur le besoin d‟une part de laisser la multiplication des voix s‟exprimer et d‟autre part une critique qui permettra d‟enfin enclencher un apprentissage. Cette recherche exploratoire mène finalement moins à une critique radicale du développement durable et des actions de RSE, que de la manière dont ils sont concrétisés dans l‟aide au développement. Il faut plusieurs voix, plusieurs acteurs, qui ensemble permettront peut-être un nouveau dialogue Nord-Sud pour une RSE plus responsable, une solidarité numérique plus solidaire, un développement plus durable… / This study investigates reception of discourses and practices about sustainable development and CSR in the Southern countries. It is framed by the assumption that those discourses place these countries in a double bind situation. The debates on sustainability are first delineated; then an empirical investigation inquires upon a digital solidarity project between France and Senegal. A quasi-ethnographic (sometimes auto-ethnogreaphic) approach is adopted, following K. Stewart‟s footsteps, in search for clues of double binds, when some practices, phrases or situations show unease inside the reception process. By comparing our observations with the theoretical frame of the gift, we notice that the effects of the studied discourses and practices are opposite to what gift researchers would predict. Computer donations are unilateral, do not build links and relations, on the contrary they tend to hold off both partners. Bateson‟s and Palo Alto School‟s theories bring a systemic perspective on this situation, showing North and South submitted to paradoxical injunctions, driving them towards the need to give always more that threaten to break up the relation. (schismogenesis). We conclude on the need both to let the expression of multiple voices (instead of the CSR monolinguism), and to allow for a critique that could help trigger learning processes. This exploratory research eventually leads less to a radical critique of sustainability and CSR‟s principles, that on the way they are actualized in development aid projects. We call for more voices, more actors, that together may foster a new dialogue for a more responsible CSR, a more solidary digital solidarity, a more sustainable development

Les partenariats entre ONG du Nord et du Sud sont souvent considérés comme étant des relationsasymétriques entre deux types d’organisations aux caractéristiques fortement contrastées. Pour réelleque soit la nature de ces rapports, le recours à l’histoire des relations entre pays développés et sousdéveloppéset, dans certains cas, entre ex-colonisateurs et colonisés comme seule grille de lecture favorise une interprétation en termes de domination. Ainsi, des décisions provenant des ONG du Nord seraient imposées aux organisations du Sud qui, pour continuer à bénéficier des financements nécessaires pour leurs actions, se verraient contraintes de s’y conformer. Il semblerait, cependant, que cette façon de lire les relations interorganisationnelles Nord-Sud, dans le champ de la solidarité internationale, soit plutôt limitative et ne rende que très partiellement compte de la réalité de ces rapports. En effet, en adoptant une posture théorique comme celle proposée par l’approche stratégique des acteurs où le pouvoir est considéré comme une relation négociée au regard des objectifs et contraintes des différentes parties, les comportements des ONGimpliquées dans les partenariats devraient pouvoir être lus comme relevant d’un ensemble de « jeux » visant l’acquisition ou le renforcement d’une certaine légitimité qui leur garantit l’accès aux ressources. Dans cette logique, le modèle basé sur le recrutement de cabinets de consultants comme tierce partie dans les relations, souvent dyadiques, entre ONG du Nord et du Sud, devra être interprété au-delà de la simple manifestation de la domination des premières sur les secondes. En s’appuyant sur le cas des partenariats de Brücke·Le pont (Suisse), EED et Pain pour le Monde (Allemagne) au Togo, cette thèse met l’accent sur les besoins pratiques auxquels répond ce modèle et montre l’écart entre les comportements prescrits et ceux réellement adoptés par les acteurs, reflet des stratégies des uns et des autres en fonction de leurs enjeux / Partnerships between northern and southern NGOs used to be considered as asymmetric relations between two different types of organizations with many contrasting characteristics. As real as it can be, referring to the traditional relations between developed and developing countries or countries linked by colonization relations as the one best way to explain the nature of those interorganizational relations may induct a wrong interpretation. Indeed, in that perspective, their relations can only be read such as signs of domination. However, this way of reading the North-South inter-organizational partnerships is a limited andpartial point of view. But using theoretical approaches such as those proposed by the actor’s strategy analysis where power is considered as a negotiated relationship according to the constraints and challenges of the different organizations, these relations can be differently read. For example they can be interpreted as a set of strategies which aim to acquire or strengthen legitimacy which is such a guarantee for their projects and organizations to be funded. In this way, the model which consist in recruiting consultants as a third party in the partnerships between northern and southern, NGOs has to be interpreted more than a simple sign of domination. Based on the case of study of three European NGO’s partners in Togo, this thesis focuses on thepractical needs met by this model and shows the difference between behaviours prescribed and those actually adopted by the actors, reflecting the strategies of each other according to their stakes.

Este artigo tem por objetivo utilizar uma abordagem descritiva histórica para analisar as relações comerciais entre a Nigéria e o Brasil, de 1960 a 2010, com o propósito de formar um quadro desse intercâmbio, assim como a constituição dele. Também objetiva analisar seus acordos. A finalidade disso é descobrir se o quadro das relações comerciais entre o Brasil e a Nigéria (um país emergente e um país em desenvolvimento) é uma reprodução de o das relações comerciais entre um país avançado e um país em desenvolvimento, assim como saber se o foco dos seus acordos está nas relações comerciais ou na cooperação técnica Sul-Sul já que o discurso político coloca muita ênfase no uso da cooperação técnica para alcançar um perfil industrial e reduzir a assimetria entre os eixos socioeconômicos do Norte-Norte e do Sul-Sul. Vale ressaltar que o quadro das relações Norte-Sul retrata as relações de dependência econômica dos países em desenvolvimento, com o mundo desenvolvido, uma vez que os últimos são, principalmente, exportadores de matérias-primas e importadores de produtos manufaturados. Segundo a nossa análise do intercâmbio Brasil-Nigéria, a Nigéria tem um saldo de superávit, porém, esse quadro já apresenta uma reprodução do quadro das relações comerciais entre um país do Norte e um país do Sul já que o principal produto das importações brasileiras é um produto básico, o óleo bruto, enquanto os principais produtos das suas exportações são os manufaturados. Isto por causa da sua crescente capacidade industrial. Ademais, a análise dos seus acordos demonstra maior concentração nas relações comerciais. Isto demonstra a importância de desdobramentos políticos em relação ao discurso político sobre a cooperação técnica Sul-Sul, e maior esforço por parte do governo nigeriano nas suas políticas domésticas e econômicas para alcançar desenvolvimento industrial. / This article aims at using a descriptive approach to analyze historical trade relations between Nigeria and Brazil, from 1960 to 2010, with the purpose of having a clear picture of its components and its pattern. It also aims to analyze their bilateral agreements. The purpose of this is to find out whether Brazil and Nigeria trade relations (trade relations between an emerging country and a developing country) is a reproduction of that between an advanced country and a developing country, as well as to know if the focus of their bilateral accords is on their trade relations, or on South-South technical cooperation. The political discourse places a lot of emphasis on the use of this kind of cooperation to gain industrial ability, as well as to reduce the asymmetry of the socioeconomic divide between the North-South and South-South. It is worth noting that the framework of North-South relations portrays the economic dependence of developing countries on the developed world, since these first are mainly exporters of raw materials and importers of manufactured goods. According to our analysis of the Brazil-Nigeria trade relations, Nigeria has a surplus balance, however, this situation already shows a reproduction of the trade relations pattern between a developed country and a developing country, since Brazilian main import is a basic commodity, crude oil, while the its main exports are manufactured goods. This is as a result of its growing industrial strength. Furthermore, the analysis of their bilateral agreements demonstrates greater focus on their trade. This shows that more efforts and actions have to be put behind the political discourse about South-South technical cooperation in order to effectively realize it, and even greater efforts made by the Nigerian government through its domestic policies to achieve economic and industrial development.

Este artigo tem por objetivo utilizar uma abordagem descritiva histórica para analisar as relações comerciais entre a Nigéria e o Brasil, de 1960 a 2010, com o propósito de formar um quadro desse intercâmbio, assim como a constituição dele. Também objetiva analisar seus acordos. A finalidade disso é descobrir se o quadro das relações comerciais entre o Brasil e a Nigéria (um país emergente e um país em desenvolvimento) é uma reprodução de o das relações comerciais entre um país avançado e um país em desenvolvimento, assim como saber se o foco dos seus acordos está nas relações comerciais ou na cooperação técnica Sul-Sul já que o discurso político coloca muita ênfase no uso da cooperação técnica para alcançar um perfil industrial e reduzir a assimetria entre os eixos socioeconômicos do Norte-Norte e do Sul-Sul. Vale ressaltar que o quadro das relações Norte-Sul retrata as relações de dependência econômica dos países em desenvolvimento, com o mundo desenvolvido, uma vez que os últimos são, principalmente, exportadores de matérias-primas e importadores de produtos manufaturados. Segundo a nossa análise do intercâmbio Brasil-Nigéria, a Nigéria tem um saldo de superávit, porém, esse quadro já apresenta uma reprodução do quadro das relações comerciais entre um país do Norte e um país do Sul já que o principal produto das importações brasileiras é um produto básico, o óleo bruto, enquanto os principais produtos das suas exportações são os manufaturados. Isto por causa da sua crescente capacidade industrial. Ademais, a análise dos seus acordos demonstra maior concentração nas relações comerciais. Isto demonstra a importância de desdobramentos políticos em relação ao discurso político sobre a cooperação técnica Sul-Sul, e maior esforço por parte do governo nigeriano nas suas políticas domésticas e econômicas para alcançar desenvolvimento industrial. / This article aims at using a descriptive approach to analyze historical trade relations between Nigeria and Brazil, from 1960 to 2010, with the purpose of having a clear picture of its components and its pattern. It also aims to analyze their bilateral agreements. The purpose of this is to find out whether Brazil and Nigeria trade relations (trade relations between an emerging country and a developing country) is a reproduction of that between an advanced country and a developing country, as well as to know if the focus of their bilateral accords is on their trade relations, or on South-South technical cooperation. The political discourse places a lot of emphasis on the use of this kind of cooperation to gain industrial ability, as well as to reduce the asymmetry of the socioeconomic divide between the North-South and South-South. It is worth noting that the framework of North-South relations portrays the economic dependence of developing countries on the developed world, since these first are mainly exporters of raw materials and importers of manufactured goods. According to our analysis of the Brazil-Nigeria trade relations, Nigeria has a surplus balance, however, this situation already shows a reproduction of the trade relations pattern between a developed country and a developing country, since Brazilian main import is a basic commodity, crude oil, while the its main exports are manufactured goods. This is as a result of its growing industrial strength. Furthermore, the analysis of their bilateral agreements demonstrates greater focus on their trade. This shows that more efforts and actions have to be put behind the political discourse about South-South technical cooperation in order to effectively realize it, and even greater efforts made by the Nigerian government through its domestic policies to achieve economic and industrial development.

In the light of the urgence of cooperation in the world, for handling global issues, this study offers a discussion on bilateral cooperation, more specifically on municipal partnerships. While previous research has examined some specific cases on possibilities and challengeswith this kind of cooperation, the view of proven efficiency in relation to the symbolic value has fallen short. The organization Swedish International Centre for Local Democracy offers a Network for Human Rights and aims to promote the exchange of knowledge and experiences between local authorities. This study, which is based on ten in-depth qualitative interviews, ought to explore what challenges and learnings can be found in ongoing municipal partnerships, in this Network. The study further aims to explore how those findings relate to a North and South perspective and the municipalities’ values and goals, by collecting experiences from South Africa, Zambia, Botswana and Sweden. Through a thematic analysis process of the empirical data and the use of a theoretical framework in the field of organizational learning, developed by Chris Argyris and Donald A. Schön, this study has been able to identify several findings. Challenges involve implementation, cultural obstacles and lack of resources, which prove to be divergent between North and South. Values and goals of the partnerships are hence hard to perform in practice. The outcomes circle practical activities, however, the most evident outcome is to learn from one another, which puts the learning experiences in focus of the study.

In the last two decades, there has been a significant rise in women’s rights Non-Govermental Organizations (NGOs) in Nepal, working on issues ranging from economic and political empowerment to violence against women and discrimination. Most of these local NGOs rely on international funding to pursue their advocacy and project work. This brings up questions of power imbalance regarding decision-making and agenda setting in their relations with donor International Non-Governmental Organizations (INGOs) as the latter wield substantial financial control. Academic and practice-based research on power dynamics between donor INGOs in the Global North and recipient NGOs in the Global South has mainly focused on the benefits of NGO involvement in the development sector. Drawing on postcolonial, transnational feminist theories, this study uses a critical perspective to identify and explore possible power imbalances and explores the following key issues: Funding sustainability, accountability, collaboration, and cooperation between local and international women’s rights NGOs, and finally, local ownership. The inquiry builds upon empirical data from in-dept interviews with local and international women’s rights NGOs working in Kathmandu and the limited available secondarysources on the situation in Nepal. The findings point to clear power asymmetries, with local NGOs having to conform to Western standards in project design, implementation, reporting and monitoring, leaving limited space for flexibility or considering the situation on the ground. Nonetheless, this study also concludes that NGOs are not under the complete influence of their international donors, as suggested by some literature, but rather use the available space to maneuver and push their cause. Finally, based on the insights of this research and considering new initiatives that attempt to transcend the current donor-recipient power dynamics, this study identifies a handful of potential principles to guide more equitable relations between women’s rights NGOs and donors.

Thesis (MA (Political Science. International Studies))--University of Stellenbosch, 2010. / Bibliography / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The politics of climate change has thus far been marked by controversy and a lack of consensus in regards to the best manner in which to comprehend and mitigate this problem. This is further aggravated by the characterisation of climate change as a global problem requiring a global solution which has served to only further complicate inter-state relations. While a number of analysts have remarked that the North-South relationship is no longer a meaningful analytical tool in international relations, it will be the purpose of this study to explore this contention within the field of climate change negotiations and to identify both the transformation and continuity within the relationship between the North and South. The unsuccessful nature of climate negotiations are largely held to be the result of the rift between the North and South, where the issues relating to the global political economy are largely responsible for the lack of consensus being reached between developing and developed countries. All climate negotiations since the 1972 UN Conference on the Environment and Development have showcased the tension between the two regions in regards to climate change mitigation and their inability to overcome this fissure. More importantly, the ensuing Copenhagen Summit of 2009 further highlighted a rift amongst the developing countries of the South, and between the developed and developing countries. As a consequence, the main aim of the research will be to understand the character of the global interactions between the North and South in terms of the context of global environmental politics. It is also the purpose of this research to gain a more comprehensive account of the sequence of causation within this relationship which stalled the negotiating process and lastly, to understand the conceptual demarcations of the two terms in the post-Cold War era so as to better understand the nature of the relationship between the two regions. What may be surmised by the study is that there is still a continuity to be found in the international arena pertaining to the North-South relationship. However, the Copenhagen Summit has been instrumental in showcasing the growing stratification that is found within the South and as a result has highlighted the cross-alliances that have formed between the North and South in order to maintain economic growth. Overall, while the North-South relationship does impact the nature of climate mitigation negotiations, the stratification of states based upon economic and developmental divergences will result in states forming alliances based upon economic self-interest. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die politiek van klimaatsverandering is tot dusver gekenmerk aan kontroversie en ‟n gebrek aan konsensus met betrekking tot die mees effektiewe wyse waarop hierdie probleem verstaan en gemitigeer kan word. Die probleem word verder vererger deur die kenmerk van klimaatsverandering as ‟n globale probleem wat ‟n globale oplossing verg, wat tot die verdere komplikasie van interstaat-verhoudings gelei het. Verskeie analiste het opgemerk dat die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide nie meer dien as betekenisvolle analitiese gereedskap op die gebied van internasionale verhoudings nie. Die doel van hierdie ondersoek is gevolglik om hierdie aanname in oënskou te neem, en om beide transformasie en kontinuïteit binne die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide te identifiseer. Die onsuksesvolle aard van klimaatsonderhandelinge word grootliks toegeskryf aan die onenigheid tussen die Noorde en Suide, met kwessies rondom die globale politieke ekonomie grootliks verantwoordelik vir die gebrek aan konsensus tussen die streke. Sedert die 1972 VN Konferensie oor die Omgewing en Ontwikkeling het alle klimaatsonderhandelinge die spanning tussen die twee streke met betrekking to klimaatveranderingsversagtings en hul onvermoë om hierdie skeur te oorbrug, ten toon gestel. Die 2009 Kopenhagen-beraad het ‟n onenigheid ontbloot tussen die ontwikkelende lande in die Suide en tussen ontwikkelende en ontwikkelde lande. Gevolglik is die hoofdoelstelling van hierdie studie om die aard van globale interaksies tussen die Noorde en Suide te verstaan met betrekking tot die konteks van globale omgewingspolitiek. Die doel van die navorsing is ook om ‟n meer omvattende verklaring te verkry oor die volgorde van oorsaaklike verbande binne hierdie verhouding wat die onderhandelingsproses tot stilstand gebring het en laastens, om die konseptuele afbakening van hierdie twee terme in die post-Koue Oorlog era en die aard van die verhouding tussen die twee streke beter te verstaan. Hierdie studie wys dat daar steeds kontinuïteit in die internasionale arena is met betrekking tot die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide. Die 2009 Kopenhagen-beraad was egter instrumenteel om die groeiende stratifikasie wat binne die Suide gevind word uit te lig, en die kruisalliansies wat tussen die Noorde en Suide gevorm is om ekonomiese groei in stand te hou, te beklemtoon. Alhoewel die verhouding tussen die Noorde en Suide tog ‟n impak op die aard van klimaatsversagtingsonderhandelings uitoefen, sal die stratifikasie van state wat op ekonomiese- en ontwikkelingsafwykings gebaseer is tot gevolg hê dat state alliansies vorm op grond van ekonomiese selfbelange.

Dans ce travail, nous lèverons le voile sur la notion d’État souverain en droit international ainsi que son principe directeur, le principe de l’égalité souveraine des États et son corollaire, la non-ingérence dans les affaires internes d’un État. Dans une première analyse, nous établirons un rapport entre la souveraineté des États en droit international et l’ingérence humanitaire. Cette analyse se fera sur la base de plusieurs questions : l’ingérence dans les affaires internes d’un État pour des motifs humanitaires constitue-t-elle une atteinte au principe de la souveraineté des États ? Mieux, l’affliction des populations légitime-t-elle l’ingérence humanitaire dans un État ? Nous remettrons ainsi en cause le concept de souveraineté des États en faisant la lumière sur la complexité du principe de non-ingérence dans les affaires internes d’un État ; de même que les limites ou atténuations à la souveraineté des États. Ces atténuations nous aideront d’une part, à prouver le caractère licite de l’intervention humanitaire et d’autre part, à déterminer le champ d’application de cette dernière. Nous aboutirons à la licéité de l’ingérence humanitaire sous certaines conditions. Dans une seconde analyse, nous mettrons l’accent sur l’instrumentalisation ou les dérives de l’aide humanitaire ayant pour but la protection des droits humains. Nous nous sommes posé certaines questions : quelle est la légitimité de la croissance des opérations militaires en Afrique par les États dits puissants pour des motifs humanitaires ? Pourrait-on, à la lumière de l’instrumentalisation de l’ingérence humanitaire, parler d’une possible nouvelle forme de colonisation? Notre réflexion sera principalement axée sur les relations nord-sud. Dans une analyse basée sur les instruments juridiques en droit international humanitaire (DIH) et en droit international des droits de l’homme (DIDH) accompagnés d’exemples précis, nous montrerons comment les grandes puissances utilisent l’aide humanitaire pour assouvir leurs propres besoins (généralement d’ordre économique) dans les pays en voie de développement. Nous prouverons au cours de ce travail, à quel point l’action humanitaire est devenue un objet de politique voire un instrument de politique étrangère. En effet, bon nombre d’actions militaires, revêtues de motifs humanitaires, orchestrées dans certains pays du sud par certaines grandes puissances n’ont d’autres buts que la recherche du profit. La pratique humanitaire est trop souvent manipulée et cache des intérêts purement égoïstes des États. Nous conclurons finalement à la nécessité de la neutralité et de l’objectivité de l’action humanitaire. / In this work, we will lift the veil on the notion of sovereign state in international law and its guiding principle, the principle of the sovereign equality of States and its corollary, non-interference in the internal affairs of a state. In a first analysis, we will establish a relationship between state sovereignty in international law and humanitarian interference. This analysis will be made on the basis of several questions: does interference in the internal affairs of a state on humanitarian grounds constitute an infringement of the principle of state sovereignty? Does the affliction of populations legitimize humanitarian interference in a state? Thus, we will challenge the concept of state sovereignty by shedding light on the complexity of the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of a state, as well as the limits or attenuation to state sovereignty. These attenuations will help us, on the one hand, to determine its cope. We will surely end up with the legality of humanitarian interference under certain conditions. In a second analysis, we will focus on the instrumentalization, or abuses of humanitarian aid aimed at protecting human rights. We asked ourselves certain questions: What is the legitimacy of the growth of military operations in Africa by rich countries on humanitarian grounds? In the light of the instrumentalization of humanitarian interference, could we talk about a possible new form of colonization? Our reflection will focus mainly on North-south relations. In an analysis based on legal instruments in international humanitarian law (IHL) and International Human Rights (IHRL) with specific examples, we will show how the major powers use humanitarian aid to meet their own needs (generally economic) in developing countries. In the course of this work, we will demonstrate the extent to which humanitarian action has become an instrument of foreign policy. Indeed, many military actions, with humanitarians’ motives, orchestrated in Black and Arab Africa by certain major powers have no other goal than the pursuit of profit. We argue that humanitarian practice is too often manipulated and hides purely selfish interests of states. In the end, we will conclude that there is a need for neutrality and objectivity in humanitarian action.

This thesis examines the policies, positions, and perspectives of developing countries on the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention after the Cold War, focusing on the period between 1991 and 2001. In doing so, it questions the role of opposition that conventional wisdom has allotted to them as parochial defenders of sovereignty. Instead, the thesis reveals variation and complexity, which militates against defining the South, or the issues that humanitarian intervention raises, in simplistic either-or terms. Part I draws on insights about ‘sovereignty as what states make of it’ to break the classic pluralism-solidarism impasse that has otherwise stymied the conversation on humanitarian intervention and confined the South as a whole to a ‘black box’ labelled rejectionism. It reconstructs the empirical record of developing countries at large on six cases of military intervention (northern Iraq, Somalia, Haiti, Sierra Leone, Kosovo, and East Timor), revealing variation that defies easy categorization. It also charts a cumulative and dynamic trend within the South towards a grey area between pluralism and solidarism that shows how these were not diametrically opposed positions. Following from that, Part II looks in-depth at India and Argentina. Whereas Argentina accepted the idea of humanitarian intervention, India remained reluctant to countenance it and persistently objected to the development of a new rule in its favour. Part II argues that the level of congruence between the emerging norm and the two countries’ prevailing values, aspirations, and historically constructed ways of thinking played a key role in determining the different levels of acceptance that the idea found with them. Part III delves deeper into the substance of their views. It shows how neither country constructed mutually exclusive choices between pluralism and solidarism, sovereignty and human rights, and intervention and non-intervention. Rather, both exhibited an acute awareness of the dilemmas of protecting human rights in a society of states, and a wariness of yes-no answers. Cumulatively, this thesis thus points away from thinking about the South itself as a given category with clear, shared or pre-determined ideas, and towards a more nuanced and inclusive conversation on humanitarian intervention.