As part of a cross-border project at the Jihočeská univerzita v Českých Budějovicích and the University of Passau, similarities and divergences were examined in place names, surnames, literature and social culture along an old trade route between Passau (Czech: Pasov) and Budějovice (German: Budweis). This makes it possible to trace the development of the relationship between the two peoples of the border area back to the Middle Ages. In this essay, we focus on place names and family names. Place names such as Czech Čakov and German Groß Čekau were explained and classified typologically on the basis of the documents and dialectal pronunciations elicited during the project. In the area of family names, the development and spatial distribution of names such as Janko are examined in order to trace linguistic exchanges and changes in the contact area shared by the two ethnic groups/language communities. A database and web application involving geographical multimedia have been used to store, analyse and represent the research results. The material collected can be displayed cartographically and evaluated according to a variety of criteria. Concerning family names, the application is intended to lay the foundation for a spatial representation not only of individual names but also of etymological or semantical name groups as well as name formation patterns. The results of this research have been made accessible via a web browser and a mobile app.

The sociolinguistic literature suggests that the choice of terms of address (e.g. nickname, term of endearment, kin term, first name, or prefix + last name) depends on the identities of the participants and the settings in which they are used. However, the names which participants use to address their co-participants may also vary within single episodes of social interaction, whereby terms of address with specific names are not only bound to specific participants but to the social activities in which the participants are engaged as well. This paper investigates from an interactional-onomastic perspective how participants rely on specific terms of address in sequences of turns-attalk as a resource to get things done. Detailed analyses of sequences in which family members address their co-participants with first names as opposed to nicknames and kin terms demonstrate that specific names serve as means for the locally situated recalibration of identities that participants methodically use to contextualize social actions. The results are discussed along with their implications for both the study of social action and the study of names. Data are from family interactions in German

The internet platform ortsnamen.ch (or toponymes.ch in French) hosts Swiss toponymic data from scientific sources. Its main purpose, especially in the beginning, was and is to archive regional toponymic projects and publish them online. Recently the platform has added significant new data sources to its database, and it has become bilingual with its new French version. In addition to its website, ortsnamen.ch also makes its data available through web services (REST API). It has grown to be an important and dynamic supraregional research infrastructure for different scientific fields, as well as an information platform for the wider public.

This paper, which seeks to contribute to the field of Interactional Onomastics (De Stefani 2016), addresses onymic forms of self-reference in computer-mediated interactions. Applying theoretical and methodological concepts developed in Conversation Analysis and Interactional Linguistics, the study looks at onymic forms as communicative practices. In SMS and Whats- App exchanges, participants systematically deviate from the default use of the deictic pronoun and shifter ich (I) and mobilize a range of different onymic forms (e.g. personal names, kinship terms, pet names, ad hoc titles, categorizations etc.) as communicative practices when referring to themselves. I argue that these onymic forms, which go against the „preference for using a minimal form“ (Sacks/Schegloff 1979), do more than simply refer to the speaker/ writer: Participants use address inversions and third person reference forms (instead of the deictic pronoun ich) as „social indices“ (Silverstein 1976: 37) to contextualize various social meanings – which would be hidden in cases of „referring simpliciter“ (Schegloff 1996) – by means of the deictic pronoun ich.

This article discusses whether Old Sorbian toponyms including the element grod really do indicate a fortification. The paper arises out of a disagreement between the archaeological point of view and the linguistic interpretation of names formerly containing grod. The recommendation offered here is to explain such toponyms as names that refer to a settlement that provides shelter.

Not all place names are unique, and certain place names are – or used to be – name twins or even name multiples. In a corpus of around 1200 place names from German speaking Switzerland it was found that nearly a quarter of them share the original name form with at least one other name (etymological or primary homonyms). Today, the originally identical name forms are either the same or differ from each other. A smaller part of the corpus consists of place names that show the same name form today but derive from different original name forms (secondary homonyms). This article explores the possibility of classifying place names according to the concept of homonymy, which is familiar primarily in relation to common nouns and has not been examined with regard to place names before. As a first step, the place names were classified into types of homonymy (total or partial homonymy). Subsequently, the processes that lead from the original name form to today’s name form – either parallel to or different from each other – were investigated and characterized. The aim was to explore the influencing factors affecting the development of the name forms. It was found that the geographical distance between the places involved can have a major influence on the development of the names. However, phonological processes, writing conventions in administration, morphology and folk etymology also play an important role.

The author proposes a new interpretation of the history of the name of the former Saxon village and historical burgward Magdeborn. First, the endings -<u>/-<un> of <Medeburu(n)>, as Thietmar von Merseburg writes in his chronicle of 1012/1018, get a new explanation as *-ow or *-own. Second, it seems that both a linguistic and extralinguistic analysis of the obviously false interpretation of the Old Sorbian place name quoted by the chronicler himself may show the history of the place name in a new light. It is guessed that the chronicler had misunderstood the narrative about the name of the castle. A detailed analysis is offered of two other cases – the persiflage of the Kyrie eleison by Slavs as ukrivolsa and the mysterious provincia Nice – in which Thietmar seems to approach certain facts and their narration with a similar lack of comprehension. In conclusion, it is assumed that an earlier form of the oikonym Magdeborn was a semantically plural term: *Medobori or *Medoborьje, meaning ‚honey pine forest(s)‘. The two basic hypotheses about the oldest history of the name enable to think of a development from a plural regional name to an adjectival oikonym derived from the first. A third hypothesis goes still further in assuming that the name *Medobori or *Medoborьje had been developed from *Medjiborьje/ *Medziborьje, ‚among pine forests‘.

Even after having achieved international fame with his fantastic stories, the Romantic writer E.T.A. Hoffmann considered himself more as a musician and composer than as a writer. In his theoretical writings about music, he extolled the value of dissonances, though he produced them rather more in his poetic works than in his musical compositions. These dissonances can be distinctly perceived in the proper names found in his fairy tale The King’s Bride which, with the exception of the river Main and the personal name Anna/ Ännchen, are all invented by Hoffmann.

Many family names in Germany were Latinised under the influence of Renaissance Humanism by adding the suffixes ‑us or ‑ius (so-called Humanist names). These suffixes differ regarding their number of syllables and their impact on the prosody of the family name. The suffix ‑ius, when added to a family name consisting of at least two syllables, always leads to a shift of the accent (Cremér-ius), whereas this is not necessarily the case with ‑us (Móllerus / Mollérus). It appears that structures consisting of a disyllabic German family name and the suffix ‑ius are particularly frequent and that this suffix is often preceded by a nasal or a liquid. Clearly this pattern could also be applied if the underlying family name was monosyllabic. In this case a supplementary syllable was added such as ‑en or ‑el (Franck – Franck-én-ius). The suffix ‑us – apart from its use in patronymics (Arnold‑us) – was of little significance in the forming of Humanist names, however.

The article focuses on place names in the canton of Lucerne in Central Switzerland. It deals with the place-name elements -guet and -hof, the Swiss German appellatives Guet (‚piece of land, farm‘) and Hof (‚court, farm‘), and the phrase Hof und Guet. Based on the corpus compiled by the research project Luzerner Namenbuch it presents an analysis of their distribution. It is shown that both the names, the appellatives and its phrase are rare in the sources from the eastern area (the Rigi mountain region) compared to the western region of Entlebuch. The last part of the article focuses on the example of Källerhof, where it is shown how the context interacts with the name and how there may be different names for the same object through time.