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This thesis looks into the development of Songjiang School in the context of mutual interaction and networking among painters. It focuses on two phenomena. Firstly, it studies the interaction between Songjiang School painters and artists from various Jiangnan art centres. Secondly, it explores the artistic genealogy within the Songjiang School. It investigates the activities of individual Songjian School painters in particular, and the rise and decline of the entire Songjiang School in general. / Under the famous master literati Dong Qichang, Songjiang School painters broke new path in landscape painting, valuing moist ink tones at the expense of brush and ink. But even before Dong, Gu Zhenyi and Mo Shilong were already well known for their efforts in exploring new styles. Supported by brilliant art talent such as Chen Jiru, Zhao Zuo and Shen Shicong, Dong Qichang brought the Songjiang School to its zenith. However, it was also Dong Qichang who dug the grave for the School. As Dong's followers were mostly professional painters, they could not stand as equals to Literati connoisseurs. Some became Dong Qichang's ghost-painters at the expense of their artistic individuality, whereas others were trapped in the lower end of the art market. Consequently, the Songjiang School lost its vigor and prestige in the Qing dynasty. Only Dong Qichang, the leading master of the School, could dominate the literati painting scene. / With its economy revived after the suppression of the wako invasion in late Jiajing period (1522-1566), Songjiang quickly reassumed its dominant position in the art scene. Songjiang School painters became very self-conscious and proud of their own hometown. They succeeded in networking with connoisseurs in Zhejiang and Huizhou, and learning valuable lessons from the works of their Suzhou counterparts. Consequently, although both the Wu (Suzhou) and Songjiang Schools were descendents of the same literati painting tradition, the Songjiang School loomed large throughout the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The social prestige of some Songjiang literati certainly enhanced the success of the School. / 徐麗莎. / 呈交日期: 2005年8月. / 論文(哲學博士)--香港中文大學, 2005. / 參考文獻(p. i-x (2nd group)). / Cheng jiao ri qi: 2005 nian 8 yue. / Advisers: Jao Tsung-i; Harold Mok Kar-leung. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-07, Section: A, page: 2355. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. [Ann Arbor, MI] : ProQuest Information and Learning, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / School code: 1307. / Lun wen (zhe xue bo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2005. / Can kao wen xian (p. i-x (2nd group)). / Xu Lisha.

In 1922, the Bolshevik government expelled some 160 prominent intellectuals from Russia. Numbered among these were many of the leaders of the Religious Renaissance which had flourished since the turn of the century. They advocated a "third way": neither for the Tsarist regime nor the Bolsheviks; neither for Capitalism nor Communism; neither for Materialism nor Idealism; rather, they promoted personalist, spiritual development (Godmanhood ), Christian economic ethics (Sobornost'), and a path to knowledge informed by reason, but guided by faith (Religious-Philosophy ). Forced to join the Russian diaspora, these religious philosophers continued to advance their movement with the help of the Young Men's Christian Association. Largely at the initiative of Nikolai Berdyaev (1874--1948), they also began to interact with the French intellectual milieu in Paris in order to develop inter-confessional and cultural understandings. Although Russian religious-philosophy suffered a certain decline following World War Two, many of their writings had returned to the USSR. As Soviet intellectuals discovered these works, they gradually began to revolt against dialectical materialism, and aspire to recover the religious-philosophical tradition. In 1988, this Return was at last made possible, and religious-philosophy has been enjoying a second renaissance which continues unabated today.

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As far as I am aware, no one has studied Pusey's life afresh in any real detail since the publication of Liddon's biography (1893-1897). Without exception, all authors subsequent to this, who have dealt with Pusey, have relied very heavily on Liddon. In a sense this was inevitable; Liddon's four volumes were painstakingly detailed, and his quotations extensive; there seemed little left to say. Liddon's Life of E.B. Pusey was indeed a remarkable achievement. Unfortunately, however, the deep respect which Liddon rightly earned for his labours, has mezmerised later historians into an uncritical acceptance of his portrayal of Pusey and his times; the biography was and is too frequently approached with an emotion akin to awe. So great has been Liddon's success that, though some readers may not have liked what they found in the biography, they have largely considered it an accurate interpretation of Pusey and his era. Hitherto, it has seldom been appreciated that Liddon was too much an immediate disciple of Pusey and too close to him in time, to sea either his master objectively or the historical events of the period in perspective. Nevertheless, any analysis of the intellectual development of Pusey during the first fifty years of his life must of necessity take Liddon's picture into account; throughout this thesis, therefore, I have indicated where I differ from Liddon in my views.

黃美玲. / Thesis (M.A.)--香港中文大學. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 485-502). / Huang Meiling. / Thesis (M.A.)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue. / Chapter 第一章 --- 導言 --- p.1 / 註釋 --- p.6 / Chapter 第二章 --- 漢族士人與漢人之抗金活動 --- p.8 / Chapter 第一節 --- 一一四二年宋金和議前 --- p.10 / Chapter 第二節 --- 海陵帝與世宗政權交替時期 --- p.40 / Chapter 第三節 --- 蒙古入侵時期 --- p.66 / Chapter 第四節 --- 小 結 --- p.88 / 註釋 --- p.90 / Chapter 第三章 --- 入仕於金的漢族士人 --- p.120 / Chapter 第一節 --- 金初太祖、太宗兩朝入仕之漢族士人 --- p.122 / Chapter 第二節 --- 金代科舉制度下入仕之漢族士人 --- p.150 / Chapter 第三節 --- 金代對漢族士人之任用及駕馭 --- p.190 / Chapter 第四節 --- 小結 --- p.205 / 註釋 --- p.207 / Chapter 第四章 --- 影響漢族士人對政治的態度的因素 --- p.240 / Chapter 第一節 --- 女真漢化 --- p.242 / Chapter 第二節 --- 宋金和戰 --- p.276 / Chapter 第三節 --- 金人的統治政策 --- p.303 / Chapter 第四節 --- 小結 --- p.345 / 註釋 --- p.347 / Chapter 第五章 --- 北宋末年及金朝覆亡前後的漢族士人比較 --- p.407 / Chapter 第一節 --- 對時局的議論 --- p.410 / Chapter 第二節 --- 亡國時的操守 --- p.427 / Chapter 第三節 --- 小結 --- p.457 / 註釋 --- p.459 / Chapter 第六章 --- 結論 --- p.481 / 參考書目 --- p.485

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This thesis investigates, through primary research, the role of traditional knowledge in regional, national, and international political activities of Canadian Inuit. The links between an increasingly postmodern West, global environmental discourse, and the role of traditional knowledge in Inuit self-identity and self-government issues are outlined and set in relation to anthropological theory on globalization. The research indicates that Inuit engagement in competition over resources and power is complemented by a competitive cultural imagery, which draws on and contributes to a discourse on global cultural exchange. Subordinate groups' uses of such imageries have been discussed in anthropology, and are discussed further in the thesis. It is argued that deconstructive critiques of these imageries are problematic, but the need for research about cultural imageries is acknowledged as well. It is suggested that analyses of the politicization of cultural imageries should include political and philosophical contexts in order to lessen their potentially harmful consequences.

Until comparatively recently it was widely believed that the English medieval lay nobility was illiterate and apt to look upon literary pursuits as a degrading occupation. This view has now been effectively challenged, but no single long study of the subject exists, due primarily to the nature of the sources, which are scattered and difficult to use. Chapter I shows that there were many educational treatises, works on chivalry, and courtesy books circulating in Western Europe during the middle ages. Chapter II examines educational provisions within the royal household, a centre of education not only for the royal family, but also for other noble children. These arrangements were paralleled in the noble household - almost certainly the main place of education (Chapter III). Here education was shared between tutors in the child's own household and in other households, bishops, and resident schoolmasters. Chapter IV shows that noble education within the monasteries was uncommon after 1200. Recorded instances of nobles at school, at Oxford or Cambridge, or at the Inns of Court are rare, but by the fifteenth century educational opportunities were widening. The study of noble book-ownership and literary taste (Chapter V) reveals that many noble wills contained references to books and that noble women were considered worthy recipients. Although the composition of noble libraries changed, saints' lives and romances remained popular throughout, and the classical revival had made only a limited impact by c.lV?0. The original works and translations by noblemen represent a considerable achievement and nobles were also active as literary patrons (Chapter VI). Noble families or individuals, whose special interest in education, books, or the patronage of scholars deserves particular attention, are discussed in Chapter VII. While some nobles had no interest in literary pursuits, others were more sophisticated and brought educated minds to the political affairs of their day.