Esta tese pretende analisar a emergência da União Europeia (UE) como ator político relevante das relações internacionais. Para isso, avaliou-se a influência do Tratado de Lisboa na supranacionalidade da Política Externa e de Segurança Comum (PESC) da UE. No trabalho, procurou-se apresentar as teorias das relações internacionais, concentrando-se na perspectiva institucionalista para a análise da PESC. A partir daí, discute-se o conceito de supranacionalidade, para então identificar seus elementos característicos nas organizações internacionais, como a composição dos órgãos, o processo decisório, o ordenamento jurídico e a personalidade. Estudou-se também a evolução da Europa como entidade influente na política mundial, desde o Concerto Europeu, passando pela Comunidade Europeia (CE) e Cooperação Política Europeia (CPE) até as discussões que levaram à criação da UE e da PESC pelo Tratado de Maastricht, para depois examinar suas características e evoluções nos Tratados de Amsterdã e Nice. Por fim, o Tratado de Lisboa é analisado, verificando-se a hipótese do aumento no grau de supranacionalidade que ele trouxe à PESC. Assim, o trabalho relaciona os avanços do Tratado de Lisboa com as previsões feitas pelos teóricos institucionalistas, avaliando a validade de seus argumentos e tecendo cenários futuros com o auxílio da teoria, especialmente em relação à coesão da política externa européia. / This thesis aims to analyze the emergence of the European Union (EU) as a relevant political actor in international relations. For this, we evaluated the influence of the Lisbon Treaty in the supranationality of Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP). At this paper, we tried to present the theories of international relations, focusing on the institutionalist perspective to analyze the CFSP. Thereafter, we discuss the concept of supranationalism, and then identify its characteristic features in international organizations such as the composition of the bodies, decision-making, juridical order and the legal personality. It was also studied the evolution of Europe as an influential entity in world politics since the European Concert, passing by the European Community (EC) and the European Political Cooperation (EPC) to the discussions that led to the creation of the EU and the CFSP in the Maastricht Treaty, and then examined their characteristics and developments in the Treaties of Amsterdam and Nice. Finally, the Lisbon Treaty is analyzed, verifying the hypothesis of an increased degree of supranationalism that it brought to the CFSP. Thus, the research relates the progress of the Lisbon Treaty with the theoretical predictions made by institutionalists, assessing the validity of their arguments and weaving future scenarios with the aid of the theory, especially in relation to the cohesion of European foreign policy.

Europeans have been spending increasingly less on defense. This trend is puzzling on two accounts. Empirically, 30% of defense spending cuts correlated with a net increase in military capacity, contradicting conventional predictions of military degradation under budgetary pressures. Theoretically, it is unclear why cuts happen and whether conscious policy choices can translate spending cuts to favorable military capacity outcomes. Is the decline in defense spending a strategic choice to demilitarize, or is it intentionally managed to improve military capacity? I evaluate three conditions under which reductions in military expenditures can lead to favorable outcomes in military capacity: defense reform, defense collaboration and buck-passing. I investigate 30 defense spending cut periods (DSCP’s) in the 27 European states between 2000 and 2012. This group of states presents a hard case for my argument: decline in European military resources is most-likely intentional. Through Qualitative Comparative Analysis, I group DSCP’s by military capacity outcomes. I then evaluate presence of the three mechanisms by operationalizing necessary but insufficient conditions, and determine whether these potential explanations are sufficient by process-tracing select case studies. I find that defense reform presents the most compelling, collective collaboration less compelling and buck-passing least compelling explanation of a potentially non-detrimental relationship between DSCP’s and military capacity. Under declining defense spending, governments routinely chose to produce savings by eliminating redundancies, consolidating structures, and reinvested savings in operational readiness and quality of military forces. States increased defense collaboration in 47.3% of the DSCP’s, but initiatives still appear divorced from affecting robust military improvements at the national level. Under declining defense spending, buck-passing increased only modestly (8%-13%), with ongoing deployments supporting continued investment in the military. These findings imply that defense spending decline does not mean a European choice to demilitarize, but a choice to reform, sometimes in tandem with defense collaboration or buck-passing.

Submitted by Jailda Nascimento (jmnascimento@pucsp.br) on 2016-10-05T15:47:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 João Fernando Finazzi.pdf: 1431017 bytes, checksum: da17f1be008b8781de00f75d2b7902a2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-05T15:47:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 João Fernando Finazzi.pdf: 1431017 bytes, checksum: da17f1be008b8781de00f75d2b7902a2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / In the post-Cold War world, the UN’s Peace operations has changed from a phase that envisaged the contention of parts in conflict to the promotion of structural reforms understood as necessary to undermine the recurrance of the hostilites and to help establish a certain level of stability and peace. In this new kind of peacebuilding operation, the reconstruction process is intended to form or transform the so-called security sector. The great powers and the most relevant internation organizations started to resort to the Security Sector Reform (SSR) as a framework of policies that envisage the transformation of the structures and actors that deal with the use of violence in these contexts. However, besides the growing importance of SSR as a key-theme in the processes of reconstruction, the national and international literatures are still rare, and generally present a marked normative nature. In the case of Haiti, the country is under constant UN’s interventions since 1994. The SSR came to be one of the most importante activites executed by the international actors. The aim of the present work is to demonstrate a changen in the ways that SSR came to be executed between the 90s and 2000s. If the actions had, initially, focused on the state institutions, with the intervention of Minustah they probe directlly to the population and the ways of beeing as a whole, specially to certain “target-groups” and by means that converge the counter-insurgence tactics and humanitarism. We intend to fill this gap between the rise of SSR as a discourse and practice of international actors and the lack of studies that go beyond their normative objectives / No contexto internacional do Pós-Guerra Fria, as operações de paz da ONU passaram de uma fase focada estritamente na contenção das partes em conflito de modo relativamente imparcial para a promoção de reformas estruturais tidas como necessárias tanto para minar a recorrência do conflito interno quanto possibilitar a transição para uma situação de paz e estabilidade. Nessas novas operações de peacebuilding, os processos de reconstrução do Estado agora lidam com questões cruciais que envolvem a formação ou transformação do chamado setor de segurança. As grandes potências e as principais organizações internacionais passaram a recorrer à Reforma do Setor de Segurança (RSS) como um conjunto de políticas que têm como objetivo readequar as estruturas e atores que lidam com o exercício da violência nesses contextos. No entanto, apesar da emergência da RSS como um tema-chave nos processos de reconstrução, a literatura nacional e internacional ainda é escassa, geralmente apresentando um caráter fortemente normativo. O Haiti vive sob constantes intervenções da ONU desde 1994, durante as quais a RSS se tornou uma das principais atividades exercidas pelos agentes interventores. O objetivo do presente trabalho é demonstrar uma alteração nos modos pelos quais a RSS veio a ser executada entre os esforços dos anos 90 e 2000. Se inicialmente as ações se focaram nas instituições do Estado, com a Minustah elas teriam se aprofundado em direção à população e às formas de vida como um todo, especificamente a determinados “grupos-alvo”, por meio de táticas que se indifirenciariam entre a contra-insurgência e o humanitarismo. Pretendemos, assim tentar preencher essa lacuna entre a emergência da RSS e a ausência de estudos que vão além dos seus objetivos normativos

Esta dissertação trata da inteligência na Missão das Nações Unidas na República Democrática do Congo (MONUSCO). Está dividida em três partes. Na primeira, contextualiza-se a pesquisa de inteligência em operações de paz nos Estudos Estratégicos Internacionais, abordando sua relevância, principais conceitos e teorias, bibliografia acadêmica e documental. Na segunda parte, apresenta-se o artigo científico, focado no caso da MONUSCO. Para avaliar se e como a inteligência contribuiu para aprimorar a efetividade da cadeia de comando e controle (C2) na missão, procedeu-se a análise do ponto de vista organizacional e funcional das estruturas de inteligência (G2, JMAC e JOC). As evidências foram colhidas por meio de entrevistas semiestruturadas com o staff da MONUSCO, de visitas técnicas à sede da missão em Goma e às localizações de Kanybayonga, Kiwanja e Rutshuru, da análise de relatórios e documentos da ONU contendo dados não estruturados, bem como por meio de revisão da literatura especializada. As conclusões da pesquisa indicaram que a inteligência contribuiu para aprimorar as estruturas de C2 na medida em que teve um papel crítico nos níveis tático (neutralização de grupos armados) e operacional (compartilhamento de informações e fornecimento de consciência situacional para a missão). Todavia, ela teve um impacto menor no nível estratégico, devido a uma lacuna persistente entre a missão em campo e a sede da ONU em Nova Iorque. Na terceira parte da dissertação, propõe-se uma agenda para pesquisas futuras, destacando o estudo do papel da ONU (e das operações de paz) no provimento de segurança na ordem internacional em transformação. / This thesis deals with intelligence in the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO). It is divided in three parts. The first one contextualizes the research on intelligence peacekeeping in the scope of the International Strategic Studies by presenting its relevance, its main concepts and theories, and its specialized literature and documents. The second (and main) part of the document is comprised by the article itself, a case study of intelligence in MONUSCO. The organization of the mission-related intelligence structures (G2, JMAC, and JOC) and their practices were analyzed in order to assess if and how intelligence may have effectively contributed to MONUSCO. Evidence was collected through interviews with MONUSCO staff, technical visits to the mission’s headquarters in Goma, to the locations of Kanybayonga, Kiwanja, and Rutshuru, UN reports and documents containing unstructured data, and specialized literature review. The findings indicated that intelligence contributed to improve C2 at MONUSCO by playing a critical role at the tactical (neutralizing armed groups) and operational (sharing information and providing mission-wide situational awareness) levels. Nonetheless, it had a lesser impact at the strategic level, due to a persistent gap between the field mission and the UN structures in New York. The final part suggests an agenda for future research projects, highlighting the study of the UN role (and peacekeeping) in providing international security in the changing international order.

Orientador: Héctor Luís Saint-Pierre / Banca: Janina Onuki / Banca: Clodoaldo Bueno / Resumo: Este trabalho visa identificar os objetivo brasileiros no tocante à edificação e à consolidação de medidas de confiança mútua entre o Brasil e a Argentina entre os anos de 1985 e 1994, a partir do estudo de fatores externos - e de sua articulação - dos condicionantes e preceitos da Política Externa Brasileira, utilizando como fontes documentos oficiais. A história das relações entre os dois maiores países do Cone Sul, que registrou uma rivalidade de longo prazo, abre na década de 1970 um precendente para um processo de dissolução de desconfianças que ganha continuidade ao longo da década de 1980, consolidando-se na década seguinte por meio da assinatura de diversos documentos que dissolvem as antigas percepções de ameaças. A despeito de todos os passos dados no sentido de aprofundar a cooperação entre os dois parceiros, esta não atingiu um nível satisfatório de dinamismo e institucionalização, o que nos convida a refletir sobre possíveis obstáculos colocados tanto por condicionalidades externas quanto pela natureza dos objetivos dos paceiros envolvidos. Nosso objetivo, pois, é analisar, sob a perspectiva do Brasil, o significado das Medidas de Confiança Mútua fundadas com a Argentina, buscando responder se constituíram um fim em si mesmo ou o instrumento para garantia de outros interesses. / Abstract: This work intends to identify the Brazilian objectives concerning the consolidation of Confidence Building Measures with Argentina, in the period from 1985 to 1994, starting from the study of external and internal factors and of brazilian's foreign policy precepts, based on readings of official documents. The History of the Brazilian-Argentinean relationship registers a long rivalry period that gives up space to a process of dissolution of distrusts, elapsed along the 1980's decade. The following decade (1990) consolidated this process through the signature of several documents. However, the cooperation between the two partners didn't reach a satisfactory level of dynamism, what drive us to contemplate about the possible obstacles imposed by the external conjuncture to this coopeation's relationship, and on the other hand, about the nature of the involved partner's objectives. / Mestre

In this dissertation I develop a theory that seeks to account for the variation in stability and conflict proneness we observe across regions. I propose that the observed variation in regional order in the international system is fundamentally rooted in the polar arrangements of the different regions. Specifically, I argue that regions that do not have clearly recognized regional powers are more prone to conflict, that their conflicts are more severe, and that these regions are more vulnerable to outside influence than those that do have such powers. Using an opportunity and willingness framework, I define regions as stable geographic spaces of interacting states behaving uniquely from the broader international system. In order to test these propositions, I make use of novel data defining both regional memberships and that identifies leading regional actors. The results show that not only do regional polarity have a strong explanatory effect, but they also suggest that it is necessary to take regional-level effects into account when analyzing international politics.

In a recent paper Jan Ruzicka and Nicholas J. Wheeler have posited that the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) is an example of several ¿trusting relationships¿. The authors assert that ¿since the end of the 1990s the trusting relationships embodied in the NPT have come under strain¿ and that this accounts for the fact that the ¿treaty is facing growing pressures that are eroding what has been an effective barrier to nuclear weapons proliferation¿. This article questions the assumptions underlying this analysis. It argues that the approach taken by Ruzicka and Wheeler fundamentally misconceives the dynamics of nuclear non-proliferation. The policy implications generated by this approach are impractical and downright dangerous as they fail to address the causes of proliferation and instead exacerbate the problem further.

Thesis (M.S.)--Missouri State University, 2008. / "May 2008." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 93-103). Also available online.

Thesis (MPhil (Information Science))--Stellenbosch University, 2008. / Africa’s socio-economic reconstruction and development is constrained by the spate of violent conflicts afflicting the continent. Internecine strife and humanitarian concerns have prompted international debates surrounding the efficacy of existing conflict prevention, management and resolution strategies. With Africa seemingly in a semi-permanent state of tension and crisis, and the inability of the global and continental systems and structures to effectively deal with these situations, it requires a disentanglement of a “complex interplay of institutional-bureaucratic and political dynamics,” that place the continent at the centre of intervention dilemma. At the end of the Cold War, violent conflicts on the continent did not wither away, but have become so complex, thus confounding efforts to achieve sustainable peace. This complexity requires greater efforts to improve international, regional and subregional institutional capacities and contingency instruments to facilitate effective responses. The key emphasis within the international community is to enhance instruments to facilitate early detection of conflict situations in order to initiate preventive actions. Put differently, conflict prevention can be facilitated through the dynamic improvement of the processes, structures and functions of (conflict) early warning systems (EWS). In addition, political will is crucial towards the operationalisation of such systems to ensure swift and coordinated implementation of preventive actions. Cedric de Coning argues that conflict early warning systems can “improve our ability to generate the political will necessary to authorize preventive action much earlier in the conflict cycle, by improving our ability to estimate the potential future cost of inaction, and the way we bring this information to the attention of decision makers.” Schmeidl also argues that “early warning needs to be seen as a precondition to developing political will, and thus initiate (or better inform) reasonable response strategies.” However, existing organisational structures crucial for facilitating and expediting conflict prevention initiatives, suffer from “inertia” due to entrenched political structures, hierarchies and competing interests. The United Nations (UN) is an international body with the authority to facilitate conflict prevention. However, it is constrained by organisational complexities such as sectional political self-interest and the “bureaucratic red tape in large bureaucracies”, thus hampering its ability to swiftly and with the correct mandate, to respond to a call for preventive intervention. Hence the devolution of the responsibilities for the settlement of conflicts to the regional and subregional bodies. Conflicts have also “tended to pay little respect to State borders, proving the necessity for inter-State cooperation.” Because of the regionalisation of conflicts, the case of inter-regional collaboration has become increasingly vital as the “appropriate initial actors in seeking to defuse tensions and resolve local disputes within the region.” To this end, stronger intergovernmental mechanisms to facilitate early recognition of conflict situations and early intervention to prevent eruption or mitigate escalation have to be maintained. African countries, as a result, bear the burden of peace interventions from the African Union (AU) which consists of 53 members, to regional economic communities (RECs) such as Southern African Development Community (SADC), which consists of 14 members. These organisations are attenuated by bureaucratic ineptitude for adaptive behaviour that impact on swift and flexible responses. Nation states with diverse historical backgrounds, different political systems and unequal economic strengths are inclined to have fundamental inequalities in power and influence. Consequently, opposing political values, national interest and competing rationalities underlining their actions become sources of contention and impede the establishment of a common ground. These hurdles breed tensions and suspicion that impact on coordination of effort and information sharing regarding conflict situations. Thus, to surmount these barriers, it is imperative to reconcile competing interests through comprehensive inclusiveness, cooperation and effective collaborative partnerships among various stakeholders, particularly civil society and political decision makers. ‘Preventive action’ must, insists the International Peace Academy (IPA), “not be considered as an expedient product or event, but as a continuous, organic process that necessitates a highest degree of inclusiveness and multisectoral participation in dialogue and peace-building. These aspects should be institutionalised within the inter-regional organisations to establish the culture of common effort for common purpose. In the interest of collective effort and to expand AU’s capacity for conflict prevention, the Peace and Security Council (PSC) was established in 2003. The PSC is defined as “a collective security and early warning arrangement to facilitate timely and efficient response to conflict and crisis situation in Africa. Apparently, the PSC, as an instrument of conflict prevention on the continent, is also aimed at achieving unity of thought in dealing with the threats to peace and stability. In conflict situations, state sovereignty, political desirability and competing goals often render peace processes ineffective due to differences regarding the best course of action. The PSC is regarded as the means to create a platform for shared understanding and common vision regarding the challenge of conflict prevention. Still, to be more effective, it requires a strong collaboration with subregional organisations (e.g. SADC) and multisectoral participation of, for example academics, research institutes, civil society organisations (CSOs), non-governmental (NGOs) and community-based organisations (CBOs). The main thrust should be to create a shared framework for political decision makers to make “collective sense” of the problems on the continent, and be in a position to synchronise efforts to achieve peace and stability. Conversely, the AU and also SADC remain politically diverse organisations. As such, operationalisation of conflict prevention initiatives is likely to encounter obstacles emanating from, as Gina van Schalkwyk indicated, “conflict around political values amongst states in the [sub]region and …disputes on the basis of divergent interpretations [of policies]. This creates a paradox between the necessity of conflict prevention and the divergent national interests. Convergent thinking and creating a shared outlook in the existing organisational frameworks (e.g. SADC) is imperative in order to generate political will and to facilitate improved decision making and implementation of proactive responses in the prevention of conflicts.

Defense diplomacy is the cooperative use of military forces through activities like officer exchanges and training exercises. Although individual practices have long existed, strikingly little scholarly attention has yet been paid to either defense diplomacy as a feature of international relations or its uses as a tool of statecraft. This study critically examines the concept of defense diplomacy and the underlying mechanisms that empower it. I argue that defense diplomacy functions as a military variant of soft power which relies on the processes of norm diffusion and state socialization to influence the strategic thinking of foreign governments. Specifically, by bringing soldiers from different countries into contact with one another in collaborative environments, defense diplomacy allows for the cultivation of transnational links capable of shaping worldviews. As with similar networks in civil society, the ties fostered by defense diplomacy form pathways which allow for the rapid diffusion of geopolitical norms, practices and priorities across borders. The key with defense diplomacy is that these networks span governing elites allowing for the direct translation of shared ideas into policy. This dissertation uses two case studies to illustrate how defense diplomacy has been employed by the United States as a foreign policy tool. The first case examines the use of defense diplomacy by the United States to rebuild its alliances with Australia and the Philippines in the immediate aftermath of the Vietnam War. Though initially envisioned as temporary measure to help restore trust after that divisive conflict, defense diplomacy emerged the basis for America’s regional engagement strategy. The second case concerns how defense diplomacy was employed by the United States in the Philippines during the Global War on Terror. Uniquely, the Philippine government restricted American forces operating within its territory to non-combat missions. This compelled Washington to rely on defense diplomacy as the primary means of combating groups like Abu Sayyaf. The ensuing focus on strengthening local institutions ultimately proved successful in helping to mitigate the militant threat within the archipelago. / 2020-09-29T00:00:00Z