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The objective of this thesis is to analyze the bilateral relations between the US and Saudi Arabia in the period between 1990 and 2003. In this context, the aim is to find out an answer to the question of how the relations between the US-Saudi Arabia have strained after September 11. Accordingly, the thesis contains four main parts. In the first part of the study, the historical background of US-Saudi relations up to the 1990-1991 Gulf Crisis, which was based on oil for security exchange, is studied. In the second part of the study, the security dilemma of Saudi Arabia, the challenges Saudi Arabia faced during the 1990s, and how these challenges affected its relations with the US are discussed. In the third part, September 11 and how global issues like war on terrorism, war in Iraq and democratization in the Middle East came into the agenda of the relationship is scrutinized. Accordingly, this thesis has reached to the following conclusions: First, after September 11, the relations between the two countries became more problematic and have affected by both global issues as well as domestic debates in both countries. Second, despite increasingly problematic nature of the relationship, the two countries managed to continue their strategic relationship, particularly as regards to &ldquo / war on terrorism&rdquo / .

The thesis Democracy in Iraq? firstly considers difficulties in establishing democracy in Iraq between 2003 and 2010. It proceeds from two hypotheses. The first hypothesis concerns the causes of these problems. The assumption is that the problems there were historically - the fact that until the establishment of Iraq after the First World War kept the Ottoman Empire fragmentation into three administrative separate areas in which lived Shic as, Sunnis and Kurds. British colonization and postcolonial authoritarian regime did not overcome this ethnic-religional fragmentation. The second hypothesis concerns the type of democracy that the post-Saddam elites are trying (not very successfully) to establish in Iraq. The assumption is that is a consociational democracy.

Cette thèse analyse la question du rapport entre la juridiction administrative et les droits de l’homme en Irak et au Kurdistan. Dans une première partie j’analyse l’influence de l’idéologie des droits de l’homme sur l’organisation de la justice irakienne. Les questions traitées sont diverses : le rôle joué par l’occident dans la promotion des droits de l’homme, l’internationalisation de la protection des droits de l’homme, la constitution irakienne, etc. Je montre comment la justice administrative irakienne essaie, sous l’influence du droit français, essentiellement, de progresser malgré les séquelles de la guerre et comment le juge administratif tente d’appliquer les principes des droits de l’homme, sans toujours s’y référer formellement.La question de l’indépendance de la magistrature aura sa place dans mon travail, car la question est objet de beaucoup de polémiques en Irak. Puis au niveau des droits de l’homme j’introduis par un exposé sur la signification philosophique des Droits de l’Homme et des droits fondamentaux, les générations des Droits de l’Homme et leur protection internationale.Dans la deuxième partie qui est plus pratique et opérationnelle j’expose la notion du droit à un procès équitable et j’essaie de montrer comment, là aussi, malgré la non intégration de cette notion en droit positif irakien le juge administratif l’applique et parfois de manière courageuse. Je traite la question de l’influence de l’idéologie des droits de l’homme sur l’organisation de la justice irakienne, puis diverses questions comme l’évolution de la justice administrative française (les recours au fond, les procédures de référé, le renforcement des pouvoirs du juge administratif au niveau du contrôle de la légalité interne. Dans cette partie j’analyse de manière comparée de multiples arrêts irakiens pour montrer à chaque fois comment le juge irakien progresse, quoique en imitant, voire en mimant le juge français, ce qui n’est pas rien. C’est un grand effort car le juge français reste dans le monde arabe la référence sur le plan du respect des droits de l’homme. La notion de police administrative occupe une place importante en raison du rapport bien étroit entre police administrative et droits de l’homme. / This thesis analyzes the question of the relationship between the administrative jurisdiction and human rights in Iraq and Kurdistan. In the first part I analyze the influence of the ideology of human rights on the organization of the Iraqi justice. The issues are diverse: the role played by the West in promoting human rights, the internationalization of the protection of human rights, the new Iraqi constitution (2005), etc. I show how the Iraqi administrative justice tries, under the influence of French law, essentially, to progress despite the aftermath of war and how the administrative judge tries to apply the principles of human rights, without always formally refer.The question of the independence of the judiciary will have its place in my work, because the question is the subject of much controversy in Iraq. Then at the level of human rights I introduce a presentation on the philosophical significance of human rights and fundamental rights, the generations of human rights and their international protection.In the second part, which is more practical and operational, I expose the notion of the right to a fair trial and I try to show how, again, despite the non-integration of this concept into positive Iraqi law, the administrative judge applies it and sometimes bravely. I deal with the question of the influence of the ideology of human rights on the organization of the Iraqi justice, then various questions like the evolution of the French administrative justice (the recourse to abuse power, the urgent proceedings, the reinforcement of the powers of the administrative judge in the control of the internal legality. In this part I analyze in a comparative way of multiple Iraqi cases to show each time how the Iraqi judge progresses, although by imitating, even miming the French judge. This is a big effort because the French judge remains in the Arab world the reference in terms of respect for human rights.Indeed the concept of administrative police occupies an important place in my thesis because of the close relationship between administrative police and human rights.

L’entrée de la Turquie dans l’OTAN en 1952 a influencé les relations turco-américaines de façon plus importante que tout autre événement. Pendant la période entre 1950 et 1960 considérée comme la période de « lune de miel » dans l’histoire des relations turco-américaines des derniers cinquante ans, la Turquie est devenue un acteur clé des stratégies de défense de l’OTAN et ainsi des Etats-Unis. Dans la décennie 1960, les deux pays traversèrent une période de turbulence marquée par deux crises. Le retrait du sol turc des missiles Jupiter en 1963 sans consultation préalable du gouvernement fut un tournant important dans l’histoire des relations turco-américaines La deuxième crise éclata dans les relations entre Ankara et Washington lors des premiers affrontements inter-communautaires à Chypre, avec la fameuse lettre de Johnson de juin 1964. En 1973, Washington protesta vigoureusement contre l'autorisation, accordée par le gouvernement d'Ankara, de cultiver le pavot à des fins médicales. La crise chypriote de 1974 avait une nature différente de celle des crises précédentes car son impact sur les relations entre les deux pays ont été finalement de plus longue durée et aussi plus profonds. Dans la décennie 1980 Ankara apparut donc aux yeux des Américains comme un partenaire qui cherchait toujours un équilibre dans ses relations avec ces derniers. Durant la décennie 1990 les relations turco-américaines connurent une transition majeure d’une coopération stratégique étroite établie de longue durée dans la période de la Guerre froide à un nouveau type de relation basée sur le rôle important de la Turquie dans les affaires régionales. A la différence de la crise chypriote de 1974 que nous considérons aussi comme une grande rupture, la crise de la guerre d’Irak de 2003 a laissé les traces les plus marquantes sur les relations bilatérales et a causé des frictions très importantes entre les militaires de haut rang des deux pays et par conséquent, la méfiance s’installa rapidement dans les relations militaires entre les deux pays. / Turkey’s entry to NATO in 1952 influenced the Turkish-American relations in a way more important than any other event. During the period between 1950 and 1960 considered as “honeymoon period” in the history of the Turkish-American relations of the last fifty years, Turkey became a key actor of NATO’s defense strategies and thus of the United States. In 1960’s, two countries crossed a turbulent era marked by two crises. The withdrawal of the Jupiter missiles in 1963 from Turkish ground without preliminary consultation of the government was revolving important in the history of the Turkish-American relations. The second crisis in the relations between Ankara and Washington burst during the first intercommunity confrontations in Cyprus, with the famous letter of Johnson of June 1964. In 1973, Washington protested vigorously against authorization, granted by the Ankara Government, to cultivate the poppy for medical purposes. The Cypriot crisis of 1974 had a nature different from that of the preceding crises because its impact on the relations between the two countries was also deeper. During the eighties Ankara appeared in the eyes of the Americans as a partner who always sought a balance in his relationships to the latter. During following decade which testified to the disintegration of the Soviet Union and thus of the end of the Cold war Turkish-American relations entered a major transition from an established close strategic co-operation long life during the time of the Cold war to a new type of relation based on the big role of Turkey in the regional affairs. With the difference of the Cypriot crisis of 1974 that we also regard as a great rupture, the crisis of the war of Iraq of 2003 left the most outstanding traces on the bilateral relations and because of the very significant frictions between the high ranking soldiers of the two countries a mistrust settled quickly in the military relations between the two countries.

<p>This dissertation examines the history of Jews in Iraq from 1951 to 1973 and their associations in diaspora thereafter. Iraqi Jews trace their community back 2500 years to the Babylonian exile and Jews played prominent roles in modern Iraqi politics, society, and culture until 1950-1951, when most Iraqi Jews left following a period of anti-Jewish hostility. The history of the remaining Jewish community after 1951 is an important case study of Jews in the Middle East (sometimes referred to as Sephardi or Mizrahi Jews) during a period when many such communities faced violence and displacement amidst the Arab-Israeli conflict. Their history also provides unique insights into changes in Iraq’s political culture under the various revolutionary regimes that followed the 1958 revolution. This dissertation shows that Jews in Iraq after 1951 successfully re-established a communal and social presence until the Israeli victory in the Six Day War of June 1967 prompted renewed anti-Jewish hostility. However, this dissertation argues that it was the Ba’th Party coup in July 1968 that led to the depopulation of the remaining Jewish community as the party manipulated anti-Israeli sentiment in its effort to consolidate power in Iraq, unleashing a deadly campaign of terror on innocent Jews.</p>

Elucidating factors associated with adherence to treatment for physical and mental health conditions is important, given well-documented associations between non-adherence and poor treatment outcomes. Researchers have worked to identify such factors; however, most studies focus on adherence to medical, rather than, psychological treatments. Clarifying variables that predict adherence to psychotherapy is particularly important for individuals with post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), for whom treatment, which typically involves exposure to trauma-related stimuli and imagery, can be aversive. It may consequently be associated with high nonadherence rates, even though studies indicate that greater adherence to PTSD treatment relates to better treatment outcomes. Research needs to identify factors that increase or decrease the likelihood that affected individuals will enter and complete therapy. Although several studies to date have examined adherence to treatment for PTSD, this literature is limited on several fronts. First, studies on psychotherapy adherence have identified few consistent predictors of treatment adherence. Second, adherence to psychotherapy is rarely a central focus of treatment-related research; more typically, researchers treat adherence as secondary in importance to treatment outcomes. Third, little research on psychotherapy adherence has been theoretically driven. Fourth, little adherence research has focused on combat veterans with PTSD, who tend to have particularly poor treatment outcomes. Especially lacking is knowledge about predictors of adherence in veterans who have recently returned from combat; most research focuses on veterans of the Vietnam War, many of whom were initially traumatized decades earlier. The study tested the hypothesis that elevated reports of a specific type of PTSD symptom--avoidance/emotional numbing-- predicted poorer adherence to treatment in 160 veterans who received psychotherapy. No significant associations between avoidance and emotional numbing symptoms and adherence were found. However, emotional numbing was negatively related to psychotherapy adherence. Other variables typically related to PTSD and treatment outcomes were found to be important predictors of psychotherapy adherence and completion/noncompletion of therapy.