L’entrée de la Turquie dans l’OTAN en 1952 a influencé les relations turco-américaines de façon plus importante que tout autre événement. Pendant la période entre 1950 et 1960 considérée comme la période de « lune de miel » dans l’histoire des relations turco-américaines des derniers cinquante ans, la Turquie est devenue un acteur clé des stratégies de défense de l’OTAN et ainsi des Etats-Unis. Dans la décennie 1960, les deux pays traversèrent une période de turbulence marquée par deux crises. Le retrait du sol turc des missiles Jupiter en 1963 sans consultation préalable du gouvernement fut un tournant important dans l’histoire des relations turco-américaines La deuxième crise éclata dans les relations entre Ankara et Washington lors des premiers affrontements inter-communautaires à Chypre, avec la fameuse lettre de Johnson de juin 1964. En 1973, Washington protesta vigoureusement contre l'autorisation, accordée par le gouvernement d'Ankara, de cultiver le pavot à des fins médicales. La crise chypriote de 1974 avait une nature différente de celle des crises précédentes car son impact sur les relations entre les deux pays ont été finalement de plus longue durée et aussi plus profonds. Dans la décennie 1980 Ankara apparut donc aux yeux des Américains comme un partenaire qui cherchait toujours un équilibre dans ses relations avec ces derniers. Durant la décennie 1990 les relations turco-américaines connurent une transition majeure d’une coopération stratégique étroite établie de longue durée dans la période de la Guerre froide à un nouveau type de relation basée sur le rôle important de la Turquie dans les affaires régionales. A la différence de la crise chypriote de 1974 que nous considérons aussi comme une grande rupture, la crise de la guerre d’Irak de 2003 a laissé les traces les plus marquantes sur les relations bilatérales et a causé des frictions très importantes entre les militaires de haut rang des deux pays et par conséquent, la méfiance s’installa rapidement dans les relations militaires entre les deux pays. / Turkey’s entry to NATO in 1952 influenced the Turkish-American relations in a way more important than any other event. During the period between 1950 and 1960 considered as “honeymoon period” in the history of the Turkish-American relations of the last fifty years, Turkey became a key actor of NATO’s defense strategies and thus of the United States. In 1960’s, two countries crossed a turbulent era marked by two crises. The withdrawal of the Jupiter missiles in 1963 from Turkish ground without preliminary consultation of the government was revolving important in the history of the Turkish-American relations. The second crisis in the relations between Ankara and Washington burst during the first intercommunity confrontations in Cyprus, with the famous letter of Johnson of June 1964. In 1973, Washington protested vigorously against authorization, granted by the Ankara Government, to cultivate the poppy for medical purposes. The Cypriot crisis of 1974 had a nature different from that of the preceding crises because its impact on the relations between the two countries was also deeper. During the eighties Ankara appeared in the eyes of the Americans as a partner who always sought a balance in his relationships to the latter. During following decade which testified to the disintegration of the Soviet Union and thus of the end of the Cold war Turkish-American relations entered a major transition from an established close strategic co-operation long life during the time of the Cold war to a new type of relation based on the big role of Turkey in the regional affairs. With the difference of the Cypriot crisis of 1974 that we also regard as a great rupture, the crisis of the war of Iraq of 2003 left the most outstanding traces on the bilateral relations and because of the very significant frictions between the high ranking soldiers of the two countries a mistrust settled quickly in the military relations between the two countries.

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Jan 8, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Jan 11, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (MPhil (Journalism))--Stellenbosch University, 2007. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: During Gulf War II, the American government implemented new media policies which, due to their potentially manipulative impact, became a subject of concern to academics, social commentators and the media alike. Key to these policies was the Department of Defense's Embedded Media Program which allowed hundreds of selected reporters to accompany US forces to the war front. The US openly tried to win international support for the war, and critics felt that this policy was designed to saturate the media with reports supporting the American point of view. This study examines these policies, the history of war reporting as a separate news genre, as well as the fluctuating relations between the US military and the media. Because of the US media policies, the fact that only one South African newspaper reporter was in Iraq during Operation Iraqi Freedom phase of the war and South African newspapers' consequent reliance on foreign news sources, there was a real possibility that the American position would be propagated in the local press. To test whether this was the case, the way the war was reported on in four leading South African newspapers is examined in terms of gatekeeping, agendasetting and framing. Using an adapted version op Propp's fairytale analysis as a standard, it compares the slant and content of the South African coverage to the way four senior US government officials presented the war. Also, the coverage of the newspapers is compared to one another. The analyses indicate that while most of the information published by the newspapers came from American sources, the news reports generally did not mirror the US standpoint, but instead criticised President Bush and the war on Iraq. Neither the frequency of the newspapers, nor its cultural background showed any correlation with the way the war was depicted by the different newspapers. It is therefore concluded that while the US might have been successful in their attempt to "occupy the media territory" in terms of sources cited, they were not able to sway the opinion of the South African press in their favour. However, the US is aware of these failures and plans to rectify the mistakes made in Gulf War II by means of proactive global operations started in times of peace. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Tydens die Tweede Golfoorlog het die Amerikaanse regering 'n nuwe mediabeleid ingestel wat weens die potensieel manipulerende impak daarvan ’n bron van kommer vir akademici, sosiale kommentators en die media self geword het. Sentraal tot hierdie nuwe beleid was die Departement van Verdediging se sogenaamde "Embedded Media Program" wat honderde uitgesoekte joernaliste toegelaat het om Amerikaanse magte na die oorlogsfront te vergesel. Die VSA het openlik probeer om internasionale steun vir die oorlog te werf en kritici het gevoel dat dié beleid ontwerp is om die media met nuusberigte wat die Amerikaanse standpunt steun, te versadig. Hierdie studie ondersoek dié beleid, die geskiedenis van oorlogsverslaggewing as afsonderlike nuus-genre, asook die wisselvallige verhouding tussen die Amerikaanse weermag en die media. Weens die Amerikaanse mediabeleid, die feit dat slegs een Suid-Afrikaanse koerantverslaggewer tydens die Operation Iraqi Freedom fase van die oorlog in Irak was en Suid-Afrikaanse koerante gevolglik van buitelandse nuusbronne afhanklik was, was daar 'n werklike moontlikheid dat die Amerikaanse posisie deur die plaaslike pers gepropageer kon word. Om te toets of dit die geval was, is die manier waarop in vier vooraanstaande Suid-Afrikaanse koerante oor die oorlog berig is, ondersoek in terme van hekwagterskap, agendastelling en raamskepping. Deur 'n aangepaste weergawe van Propp se feëverhaalanalise as maatstaf te gebruik, is die neiging en inhoud van die Suid- Afrikaanse dekking vergelyk met die manier waarop vier senior Amerikaanse amptenare die oorlog voorgehou het. Die koerante se dekking is ook met mekaar vergelyk. Die analises wys dat hoewel die meeste van die inligting wat deur die koerante gepubliseer is van Amerikaanse bronne kom, die nuusberigte oor die algemeen nie die Amerikaanse standpunt weerspieël nie, maar eerder krities teenoor President Bush en die oorlog teen Irak is. Nie die frekwensie van die koerante of die kulturele agtergrond daarvan het enige korrelasie getoon met die manier waarop die oorlog deur die verskillende koerante uitgebeeld is nie. Die gevolgtrekking word gemaak dat hoewel die VSA moontlik daarin geslaag het om die "mediaterrein te okkupeer" in terme van aangehaalde bronne, het hulle nie daarin geslaag om die Suid-Afrikaanse pers se opinie in hul guns te swaai nie. Die VSA is egter bewus van die foute wat tydens die Tweede Golfoorlog gemaak is en beplan om dit deur middel van proaktiewe globale operasies in vredestyd reg te stel.

The objective of this thesis is to analyze the bilateral relations between the US and Saudi Arabia in the period between 1990 and 2003. In this context, the aim is to find out an answer to the question of how the relations between the US-Saudi Arabia have strained after September 11. Accordingly, the thesis contains four main parts. In the first part of the study, the historical background of US-Saudi relations up to the 1990-1991 Gulf Crisis, which was based on oil for security exchange, is studied. In the second part of the study, the security dilemma of Saudi Arabia, the challenges Saudi Arabia faced during the 1990s, and how these challenges affected its relations with the US are discussed. In the third part, September 11 and how global issues like war on terrorism, war in Iraq and democratization in the Middle East came into the agenda of the relationship is scrutinized. Accordingly, this thesis has reached to the following conclusions: First, after September 11, the relations between the two countries became more problematic and have affected by both global issues as well as domestic debates in both countries. Second, despite increasingly problematic nature of the relationship, the two countries managed to continue their strategic relationship, particularly as regards to &ldquo / war on terrorism&rdquo / .

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Feb 11, 2010).

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Dec 29, 2009). Includes bibliographical references.

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka hur identitetsproblematik i anknytning till exil eller diaspora skildras i modern irakisk litteratur, i detta fall Inaam Kachachis roman The American Granddaughter. Berättelsen i romanen utspelas under Irakkriget 2003-2006 där romanens huvudperson, som irakisk-amerikansk kvinna med dubbla identiteter, deltar som tolk i kriget. Den rådande krigssituationen ger upphov till en stark fientlighet nationaliteterna emellan trots att Irak och USA inte är varandras motståndare i kriget. Under den spänning som uppstår och den brutalitet som följer blir huvudpersonen och framför allt hennes identitet såsom irakisk- amerikansk satt i fråga, med resultatet att hon upplever sig alltmer kluven. Huvudpersonen kan sägas fungera som bärare av essensen av identitetskonflikten. Utifrån Jonas Stiers teoretiska utgångspunkter om identitet (Stier, 2019) utforskar jag hur protagonistens dubbla identitet är uppbyggd och hur den förändras under de omständigheter hon hamnar i, och med hjälp av Gérard Genettes narratologiska begrepp undersöker jag hur romanen presenterar identitetsproblematiken, dess orsaker och konsekvenser. / The purpose of this essay is to examine how conflicting identities associated with exile or diaspora is depicted in modern Iraqi literature, in this case in the novel The American Granddaughter by Inaam Kachachi. The story of the novel takes place during the Iraq War 2003-2006, and the protagonist is the holder of two identities as an Iraqi-American woman who is participating in the war as an interpreter. The situation of war results in a hostility between these nationalities even though the nations Iraq and the USA are not each other’s adversaries. This hostility brings about a sharp tension that causes brutality to escalate and this affects the protagonist as an Iraqi-American as her identity is being questioned and she experiences that her dual identity is becoming a problem. The protagonist serves as a vessel of the essence of the conflict of identities. Based on Jonas Stier’s theoretical concepts of identity (Stier, 2019) I will explore how the protagonist’s dual identity is constructed and the way this duality changes due to her experiences in the war and the circumstances she is being exposed to. By using Gérard Genette’s narratological concepts I will examine how the identity issue is presented in the novel, what is it caused by and what the consequences are.

Thesis (Master of Strategic Studies) -- Army War College, 2006. / Title from title screen (viewed Aug. 20, 2008). "8 March 2006"--P. [iii]. "ADA449254"--URL. Includes bibliographical references (p. 15-22). Also issued in paper format.

Thesis (Master of Military Studies)-Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. / Title from title page of PDF document (viewed on: Jan 12, 2010). Includes bibliographical references.