Abstract The purpose of this study is to examine how Greece’s migration system functions and how immigration and asylum policies manifest themselves during the countries current severe economic crisis. More precisely, examining how the regulatory framework and policies regarding refugees' and migrant situation effects practical implementation. The research questions raised are; - How are refugees and other migrants' rights in Greece respected, from a legal, political and moral perspective? What impact can racism have on the treatment of refugees and other migrants? A contextual analysis of ideas through an analysis of the political programs/agendas was used and contrasted, through theories concerning racism, nationalism and globalization to further nuance the situation concerning refugees' rights. Furthermore the study is analyzed through a HR perspective or more precisely through relevant conventions, regulations and EU directives. The conclusions are that Greece has laws and policies regarding migration, however these regulations have major flaws concerning their practical outcome. Improvements have been made to the migration system constituted of new government agencies intended to meet EU-standards, concerning the management of the asylum process. Unfortunately these improvements have been found wanting. Globalization is challenging the national and regional laws. EU and its regulations concerning asylum, does not take into account differentiated contextual realities concerning EU´s member states. People generally intend to travel through Greece and are consequently sent back to Greece by other EU states, without significant support it becomes problematic to handle this volume of people. The European Union’s protectionist policies create barriers and make access to the region more difficult, meanwhile people of other nationalities flee or migrate in hope of a more secure and humane existence. With xenophobia on the rise (both politically and socially) migrants face further difficulties, for instance fear of deportation can make the reporting of hate crimes to the authorities complicated to say the least.

The Dublin Regulation determines the Member State responsible for accepting and making a decision on asylum claims lodged in the European Union (‘EU’), Norway and Iceland. It aims to ensure that each asylum claim is examined by one and only one Member State, to put an end to the practice of ‘asylum shopping’ and to prevent repeated applications, both of which have been costly for the receiving Member States and caused severe inefficiencies in the determination processes in the EU in the past. With the first Member State of entry being the major determinant for the allocation of asylum responsibility under the Dublin Regulation, there has been growing discontent among Member States at the external borders of the EU, particularly the southern Member States in the Mediterranean, over what they see as a system that has unjustly placed disproportionate burdens on them regarding the admission of seaborne asylum seekers and the costs associated with it. As a result of changes in migration rules and consequent adjustments in the entry strategy employed by irregular migrants and people smugglers, the Member States at the EU’s ‘southern frontline’ have unwillingly played the role of reluctant hosts to boatloads of unwelcome asylum seekers. This thesis aims to examine how the EU has attempted to tackle the challenging situation of the unauthorised migration of asylum seekers into its territory by sea, and in particular, how it has responded to demands from affected Member States for a more equitable system of asylum responsibility allocation in spite of and outside the Dublin framework. It would argue that the ‘small’ EU Member States in the Mediterranean themselves have, over the last five years at least, become the unexpected drivers of the EU’s declared commitment to the principles of ‘solidarity’, ‘fair sharing of responsibility’ and ‘effective multilateralism’. ‘ Small’ as they may be in terms of resources, size or influence vis-à-vis the larger Member States, the former have been able to create their own mark in a global regime that has traditionally been resistant to the idea of burden-sharing. The measures taken by the EU’s ‘southern frontline’ have collectively changed the landscape of a global protection regime where not only is asylum ‘burden sharing’ highly elusive – its terms and conditions are also dictated by the more powerful sovereign states. While the theoretical point of departure in this study is the influence wielded by the ‘small’ EU Member States in the burden-sharing debate, the degree or level of ‘influence’ small Mediterranean Member States can exercise in pushing for cooperative arrangements is itself determined by a system that is biased towards large states, increasingly securitised, and is therefore limited in both nature and scope. Nevertheless, the experience of ‘burden-sharing’ in the EU between 2005 and 2010 demonstrates that the Member States at the periphery have proactively taken the responsibility for the operationalisation of the founding values and principles of the EU, and through active norm advocacy and related strategies, have been able to achieve what has eluded the global protection regime so far – a refugee burden sharing scheme.

Irregular migration is one of our times challenge and the news about migrants dying in the Mediterranean Sea seems to be more and more common these days. African migrants are risking their lives migrating by routes through the desert on trucks packed with migrants to get to Libya; this route is called the back way. From Libya they are crossing the Mediterranean Sea in small over loaded boats with the hope to reach Italy. This study focus on young Gambian men who say that they are prepared to risk their life by going the back way in order to reach Europe. Gambia is a small country in West Africa, a country that has been free from violence and war, a peaceful country. Yet the back way is something that is on everybody’s lips in Gambia today and a lot of people, especially young men, are trying to get to Europe through that way. This research is looking into why these young men are prepared to risk their lives to reach Europe; it is showing what it is that make people take their decisions to go. In order to find answers to this, interviews with young men in Gambia has been done and the material have then been analyzed with the help of the push and pull model, the rational choice theory and Charles Tilly’s ideas about durable inequality. What can be understood from the findings in this research is that people migrate in order to improve their lives. They consider the back way only because that is what is available to them since the legal ways of getting to Europe are few and hard to get for somebody from the developing world. The research also shows that your position in the family and in the society plays a crucial part in the decision of going or not going.

Since the beginning of the 1990s, Europe has been confronted with an increase of irregular migration in connexion to the collapse of the communist regimes. Today, it is estimated that there are from about 2 to 4 million irregular migrants living in the European Union. Most of them take part in local informal economies. Besides traditional immigration countries of Western Europe, the southern European countries have also become a destination region of irregular migration. Recently though, the same can be said about some post- communist European countries, namely Czechia. The dissertation focuses on irregular migration in Czechia. More specifically, it deals with irregularly working migrants in the period preceding the global economic crisis. As there is insufficient level of knowledge of the phenomenon in Czechia, the dissertation delivers empirical material regarding forms and reasons of irregular migration and structure, volume and strategies of irregularly working migrants. These characteristics are framed within the European context. Moreover, from the terminological point of view, the dissertation tries to bypass the limitations of the Czech literature and presents own terminology of the given processes and their actors. Finally, the dissertation aims to contribute to current theoretical and...

Before the crisis Catalonia and the rest of Spain received high volumes of immigration - of which much was 'illegal'. This was despite formally strict controls - EU policy - and different governments in Madrid claiming to operate a legal model of migration - leading to identification of a 'policy paradox'. In the same period immigration became problematized, which in Catalonia allowed xenophobic politics to gain popular support - despite being a territory proactive at integrating newcomers. This research aimed to identify the undercurrents of these contradictions and respond to questions on the relative impact of business, state, national and electoral factors. It surveys literature on migration paradoxes and theories, develops an original conceptual framework by critically assessing a range of radical writing, performs quantitative and secondary study of the Catalan, Spanish and European economic and policy contexts (in general and regarding immigration), and analyses findings from interviews with privileged 'insiders' and observers (employers, union leaders, migrant activists and policy advisors). Policy contradictions and the problematization of immigration were identified as rooted firstly in the inherent contradictions of the capitalist state. States must ensure availability of new reserves of labour to guarantee accumulation and make savings by not having to 'socially reproduce' 'imported' labour power. Yet their abstract national and bounded character propels constant nationcraft - a process best performed invisibly and negatively by symbolically and practically excluding migrants from territory, rights and citizenship. Dynamics are further driven by the desire to be seen to preserve the 'rule of law' and guarantee the exclusivity of national 'social contracts'. Nation-building in policymaking was detected by uncovering the national-linguistic considerations behind the controversial drive to devolve immigration powers to Catalonia. Mushrooming irregularity was a result of migrant agency and the restrictive tendencies of the Aznar administration and EU. Despite the Popular Party (and EU) being notably pro-business, tensions emerged with employers who lobbied alongside unions to bring about the liberalisations introduced by the Zapatero government (2004-2011). Employers benefit from the (continued) institutional conditioning of migrant labour and irregular hiring has been tolerated - aided by a relatively informal and insecure labour market. Yet it is a mistake to see high levels irregularity simply as labour policy. The unequal and instrumental nature of European integration meant the Spanish State played a border policing role that threatened its labour needs before the crisis. This led to political 'fudge' based on varying models of irregularity-amnesty-irregularity, and reinforced pro-European and Hispanist migrant recruitment tendencies. Changes in government have reshaped policymaking (and increased or decreased related tensions) but less-democratic influences were identified in interviews and a clear political economy of immigration can be identified.

This thesis examines the practice of accommodating irregular migrant children in Canadian public schools, specifically, public schools in Toronto, Ontario. Estimates indicate that there are close to 500,000 irregular migrants in Canada; half are thought to be living in the City of Toronto. Since the early 1990s there have been several novel policy developments in Ontario that have facilitated access to public schooling for irregular migrant children. This project seeks to identify the normative ideas that have been appealed to by public authorities in the policy development process. First, a critical review is undertaken of theoretical justifications developed in moral and political theory for extending schooling rights to irregular migrant children in liberal states. Then, arguments put forward by public authorities in Canada for extending or limiting schooling rights are analysed and compared with the dominant normative frameworks in the theoretical literature. This research finds that public authorities at the sub-state level made use of normative arguments that fall outside common theoretical approaches in moral and political theory. Normative arguments at the sub-state level are found to cohere with a fiduciary conception of public authority. It is argued that fiduciary theory provides a systematic and innovative theoretical framework for understanding the normative ideas appealed to by public authorities in practice. Moreover, fiduciary theory makes available the normative resources necessary to provide a strong way of conceptualising the duty of public authorities to educate irregular migrant children. This research contributes both to theoretical scholarship aimed at understanding and conceptualizing obligations to irregular migrant children, and also to the field of Canadian Studies, by contextualizing the policy response to irregular migrant children in Canada over time, demonstrating how specific policy responses reflect shifting normative understandings about belonging, government obligation, national culture(s) of citizenship, and the scope of provision of social welfare services to irregular migrant children.

Cette thèse est consacrée aux « brûleurs » de frontières – les harraga – qui tentent de quitter l’Algérie sans passeport, ni visa sur des embarcations de fortune, au péril de leur vie. Elle s’appuie et discute le modèle « exit, voice et loyalty » développé par Albert Hirschman afin de stimuler la réflexion et explorer la relation entre émigration et contestation. À partir de sources très diverses – des entretiens semi-directifs avec des harraga et des membres de leur famille, l’observation de procès de harraga, des articles de presse, des productions culturelles, des discours politiques, des textes de lois et des documents d’orientation politique – cette thèse documente les facteurs et les modalités de départ des harraga. Elle s’intéresse également au processus de publicisation et politisation de ce phénomène migratoire en Algérie et analyse les politiques mises en œuvre par les autorités algériennes afin de lutter contre la harga. Les harraga estiment qu’ils appartiennent aux marges d’un système socio-économique corrompu et inégalitaire dans lequel ils n’ont aucune perspective d’amélioration. Confrontés aux politiques migratoires restrictives, ils ne peuvent quitter le pays en respectant les lois imposées par les États. En raison des profils des harraga et de la dangerosité des itinéraires migratoires empruntés, la harga nourrit un discours critique qui porte à la fois sur la responsabilité des autorités dans la perpétuation d’un ordre socio-économique et politique qui pousse de jeunes algériens à quitter le pays, et sur la politique répressive mise en œuvre en réponse à la harga. En réponse à ce phénomène migratoire, les autorités algériennes mettent en œuvre une politique répressive qui s’inscrit dans des dynamiques de politique intérieure et extérieure. Le durcissement des lois sur l’émigration-immigration « irrégulière » en Algérie s’inscrit dans un contexte régional et dans le cadre de l’externalisation des frontières extérieures de l’Union européenne. / This dissertation examines the political implications of harga in Algeria. Literally translated, harga means “burn”. In the Maghreb dialects, the term has come to describe a specific form of migration. Harragas (literally “those who burn”) are those who try to leave their home country without a passport or visa, on small boats, risking their lives. This dissertation uses Albert Hirschman’s model of “Exit, Voice and Loyalty” in order to stimulate reflection and explore the link between exit (emigration) and voice (protest). Drawing from a wide variety of sources – semi-structured interviews with harraga and their family members, observations of trials, newspaper articles, cultural products (movies, novels, paintings, etc.), political speeches, legal texts and policy papers – this dissertation documents the causes of migration and the emigration patterns from Algeria of harraga. It also studies the publicization and politicization process of harga in Algeria. Last, it analyzes the policies implemented by the Algerian government to limit harga. Harragas are trapped in the margins of a corrupt and unequal socio-economic system that offers no prospects of improvement. They cannot leave the country legally because of the restrictive policies implemented by the destination states. Therefore, they try to leave Algeria on small boats, risking their lives. Harragas do not leave in silence. Many newspaper articles and cultural products talk about harragas, who are referred to as undeniable proof that there is something wrong in Algeria. The Algerian authorities are deemed responsible for the departure of these young Algerians and are criticized for the repressive policies implemented as a response to harga. Domestic and international factors influence Algerian migration policy. Domestically, the policy is a response to the criticism that harga provoke. Internationally, the toughening migration laws and increasing penalties in Algeria.

The aim of this paper is to examine the ideational leadership of the European Unions' executive institution, the European Commission, by studying its legislative response to the surge in irregular migration to the European Union in 2015 and 2016. In order to assess which form of ideational leadership the Commission expresses, key ideas, rooted in either liberalism or realism, were extracted from the selected documents with the help of an analytical tool, created for a deductive qualitative content analysis based on Watt Boolsens' seven step model. Ten legislative documents proposed by the Commission, deemed relevant to its response to irregular migration, ranging from the period May 2015 to June 2016, were selected. Meaningful entities of these documents were coded and designated a subcategory belonging to key ideas of either liberal or realist nature. These subcategories originate from the main categories: State & Individuals, Humanism & Rights, Borders & Security, and lastly International actors & Cooperation. This paper is thereby able to demonstrate which ideas prevail in the Commissions' legislative response to failures in policy during a time of crisis. The results indicate that the Commission expresses ideas predominantly rooted in realism, such as cooperation when deemed beneficial to the...

The thesis aims to investigate the role of human smuggling in migration, and specifically, the part played by the figure of the facilitators. The study was conducted through qualitative research based on semi-structured interviews: six people who reached Europe through the assistance of smugglers were interviewed in three different countries – Germany, Italy and Sweden. The data collected reflects the opinions, experiences, and the perspectives of the migrants. Accordingly, the data is interpreted through the Rational Choice Theory that focuses on the micro-level angle, and the concept of border which intends to research the phenomenon from a macro-level viewpoint. The findings revealed that smugglers play a crucial role in migration allowing the border-crossing for those migrants who do not have regular means to travel. I suggest that smugglers renegotiate the concept of border which becomes more fluid and permeable.

Massive recruitment of foreign labour occurred in all Gulf States since the beginning of oil exploitation in 1973. In the United Arab Emirates (UAE) the foreign population accounted for up to 75 per cent of the total population and up to 90 per cent of the labour force in 2000. Even though the migration system is of temporary character, many foreign workers spend dozens of years in the country.This study aims to reveal two fundamental issues. On one hand, it will be shown why a sample of migrant workers came to the United Arab Emirates. Contemporary theories on international migration will be presented to analyze the results of the field study undertaken during four weeks in the emirate of Dubai. On the other hand, living and working conditions for those migrant workers in the UAE are presented. Formal regulations and international conventions are compared to the actual practices in the UAE. Special focus will be given to formal regulations and widespread informal practices that easily generate irregularity.