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This thesis has investigated various opinions of Muslim Imams and Scholars which are reviewed and meticulously discussed while making an effort to identify certain transactions and arrive at the best and most accepted judgments pertaining to buying and selling issues in the market place. The study defines lawful and unlawful Trade Practices within the Islamic Sharīʻah and discusses rules and conditions pertaining to each. It also discusses certain types and scenarios which might be considered lawful or unlawful after investigating scholars‟ opinions and arguments. This study examines Trade Practices in the world of business and commercial transactions from an Islamic perspective and focusses on the basics of Islamic Trade Practices law. In particular, emphasis is placed on investigating lawful and unlawful Trade Practices of early Islamic commercial transactions while identifying parallels to determine modern-day transactions as sanctioned or not by the Islamic Sharīʻah. The researcher has explained that the basics of Islamic Sharīʻah guarantee the rights of both the seller and buyer with emphasis on maintaining an economy free of monopoly and cheating of any kind. While the seller is encouraged to honesty transactions and makes profit, guarantees are given to the customers that cheating or misguidance is forbidden within the spirit of true Islamic commercial transactions‟ teachings. The study has also focused on ethics as playing a decisive role in commercial transactions in a way that may affect the validity of sale contracts. Finally, the study calls for revitalising Islamic basics and rules to be more in tune with modern-day Trade Practices and business transactions in the organisation of trading in the market place and the world of business at large.

The aim of this thesis is to present for the first time in English the corpus of Turkish scholarly writing on the Great Seljuks and to assess the internal consistency of the individual conclusions. In the West, the Great Seljuks are studied in the context of medieval Persian or Arabic history in particular and Islamic history in general [Lambton, 1987; Morgan, 1994a; Frye, 1993; Kennedy, 1994; Hodgson, 1974; Lewis, 1993]. In Turkey, the perspective that has emerged is quite different. According to Turkish scholars, besides Biblical studies and missionary activity, from the 19th century colonialism and industrialization were the main driving forces behind the study of Islamdom. This was because Western powers had to learn the languages and religion of their subjects in order to administer them and for industrialists to sell their goods to them [Koprilli.i, 1940:xxviii-xxix]. The racially and religiously biased Eurocentric histories that resulted also prejudged the Turks' historical role as solely military and destructive, arguing that they had not made a single contribution that furthered civilization [Ibid. 149-50 & 1981 :23; also Berktay, 1983:14-5]. At the Sevres Peace Talks, a memorandum to the Turkish delegation clearly expressed this prejudice Qune 23, 1919). According to the Allies, the Turks had ravaged and destroyed the lands they had conquered in Christendom and in Islamdom, because it was not in their nature 'to develop in peace what they had won in war' [Berktay, 1992:138-9]. It is not surprising, therefore, that Atatiirk initiated the search for a historical identity outside the confines of Islamic history and the West's assertion concerning the superiority of Graeco-Roman culture [Avctoglu, 1979/1 :18-27; Afetinan, 1981 :194ff]. Having said that, the roots of modern Turkish historiography must be sought in the century before Ataturk founded the Society for the Study of Turkish History (April 15, 1931).

This thesis is a study of the ideology and 'mentality' of the Seljuqs of Rum 473-641/1081-1243. It focuses on this little-known branch of the Seljuqs, whose rule in Anatolia lasted considerably longer than the Great Seljuq state further east. This study uses the few available Rum Seljuq primary sources in Persian and Arabic, as well as contemporary oriental Christian chronicles; it also draws on the evidence of coins and monumental inscriptions, where possible. Chapter one discusses the background of the Great Seljuqs, how they came into the Islamic world, bringing with them their centuries-old nomadic lifestyle and modes of thinking. This Chapter also analyses the way in which these Turkish nomadic chiefs were presented as Muslim rulers by the Arabic and Persian religious scholars and bureaucrats who served them. Chapter two discusses how the earliest Seljuq leaders in Anatolia from 473-500/1081-1107 conformed to traditional patterns of nomadic rule, and the period of interregnum and transition (500-551/1107-1156) during which the Seljuqs in Anatolia were dominated by the rival Turkish Danishmendid principality. Chapter three shows how the Rum Seljuq principality in Anatolia was transformed by the beginning of the thirteenth century into the Rum Seljuq sultanate. In chapter four the discussion focuses on the apogee of the dynasty under the rule of Kay Kawfis I (608-616/1211-1220) and Kay Qubadh I (616-634/1220-1237) where it may be argued that these two Seljuq sultans could justifiably be viewed as model Perso-Islamic rulers, although elements from their Turkish nomadic past remained. The appendix contains an analysis of the crucial relationship between the Rum Seluqs and their Byzantine neighbours during the period (473-576/1081-1180), arguing that a pattern of friendly co-existence was established between the Seljuq sultans and the Comneni emperors during these years. The thesis shows how ideology rather than mere military success helped to shape this important dynasty into a fully-fledged sultanate.

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The examination of the topic of market risk management in Islamic finance is a complex endeavour. At a basic level, the subject matter, being multifarious in a manner that mixes religion and economics, requires the conjoining of religious faith with scientific objectivity in order to ascertain the truth contained in the scripture as it pertains to the Mua’amalat (dealings between individuals) matter of entering into financial contracts with others to manage market risk exposures. Moreover, the complexity is compounded due to the need to disentangle the ambiguity that has beset the discourse on the topic due to historically being mostly legal-centric with a focus on debating the contractual elements rather than attempting to comprehensively address the myriad issues that relate to market risk management in contemporary contexts. These issues, for the most part, revolve around the reliance on market risk transfer as a strategy and derivative contracts, with monetary underlying variables, as tools to implement that strategy. Thus, the journey of investigating the rationale, permissibility, and usage of derivative hedging instruments for market risk management in Islamic finance is, essentially, an undertaking that seeks to engage in a wide-ranging and multi-layered examination of the subject matter as well as the exploration of new areas of relative significance. This, in turn, and subsequent to the analysis of data generated from documentary sources and forty-one interviews which were collected from numerous sources within four locations, led to the elaboration of the contention that market risk management through derivative instruments for legitimate hedging purposes should not be prohibited in the Shari’a, albeit with certain conditions that limit unproductive behaviour. The basis for the aforementioned contention is built on the fact that market risk management has undergone a paradigm shift in how exposures are identified and measured as well as in the emergence of innovative tools which can result in a better ability to address the opportunities and challenges facing institutions that provide value to society (i.e., the real sector). Moreover, there is little substantive evidence that proves that the utilization of derivative instruments for hedging purposes leads its users to partaking in transactions that circumvent the prohibition of Riba (usury), Gharar (excessive uncertainty), and Maysir (gambling). In effect, the derivative instruments used for the management of market risks are not only disassociated from usurious debt transactions, they are also transacted in the financial markets in a manner that is transparent to all the parties involved. Along the same lines, the prohibition of Maysir, which is apparently an overarching concern, should be conceptualized with the focus on the proscription of the act of gambling, not necessarily the instruments (e.g., derivatives) and/or any particular framework (e.g., zero-sum arrangements). Ultimately, one should be cognizant of the fact that the true intentions of Islamic jurisprudence in Mua’amalat (as a manifestation of divine guidance) always centre on human well-being. Accordingly, the religious prohibitions are, in essence, within the realm of acts that adversely affect human well-being. This is a constant theme that is present throughout the thesis; and is one that exists at the heart of a wider aspiration of its adoption to a greater extent than is currently present in the Islamic finance discourse.

Throughout the centuries, the lion has generally been acknowledged as a symbol of power in numerous cultures. It exercises magic and talismanic functions as a sign of the zodiac. The lion as the king of the beasts has long fascinated and challenged man. It plays a large part in the decorative arts and mythologies of many cultures and Islam is no exception. The aim of this thesis is to determine the range of meaning attributed to the lion as a motif in Islamic art, through its use in the decorative arts, miniature painting and textiles. A catalogue of some four hundred and sixty examples of the lion as an iconographic symbol on carpets, ceramics, metalwork, stone, textiles and other media has been drawn up. Within each category pieces have been arranged in chronological sequence and their motifs have been identified. The aim has been to assemble a reasonable sample of works upon which to base an investigation of the role of the lion in Islamic art. The text analyses the themes found in the catalogue. Each motif is placed in its historical context with reference to the antecedents of the decorative design and the likely meaning in an Islamic context, supported where possible by writings of the period. Chapter One addresses briefly the description and illustration of the lion in Muslim scientific texts. Chapter Two analyses the lion-bull combat theme. Chapter Three opens with a discussion of images showing man hunting the lion and concludes with a discussion of the lion in association with other animals. Chapter Four discusses two literary works often illustrated with miniatures depicting lions - namely the Kalila wa Dimna tales and the Shahnama. It closely analyses the texts for descriptions of the lion and what it may symbolise in a given context. Chapter Five embraces a diversity of motifs including the image of the lion as found on Islamic coins, lion-masks, lion and throne imagery, the lion-tree motif in textiles and the lion as a single image. Chapter Six discusses the zodiac and the lion as an astrological symbol. Conclusions are drawn in Chapter Seven. The thesis aims to assess the art-historical evidence for the use of the lion in Islamic art. It endeavours to provide a firm basis from which to study the significance of the lion in medieval Muslim culture. Literary and historical evidence is brought in where appropriate in order to elucidate the meaning of the visual imagery. Much work still remains to be done, but the collecting together of a range of pieces bearing a variety of iconographical interpretations of the lion is a vital step in determining the role of this animal in Islamic art and culture.