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This work investigates the American-Indian policy between 1790 and 1810 through the vehicle of the American government, focusing on the 'white, sincere, religious-minded men who believed intensely in both American expansion and positive relations with the Indians.' While Indian reaction comprises an important piece of the native-white cultural encounter in the West, this study questions if scholars have the ability to address this problem in more than a very general way. In truth, each tribe was unique and different in their reaction to white legislation and settlement. There was no pan-Indian movement against settlement, and for the same reason, there is no pan-Indian history. However, it is possible to write of the white Americans as more of a single entity. They were closely united both in outlook and in goals. They had a single program which they meant to apply to all the Indians. This work will attempt to assess the piece of this policy regarding the fur trade and the Northwest. This study also links the Republican policies of Thomas Jefferson with the platforms of his federalist predecessors. Thorough investigation reveals choices in Western settlement were made by both government officials and settlers. Settlement of the Western frontier did not follow a predetermined path; private settlement and frontier violence were not predestined. Many junctures existed where it could have shifted. Lewis and Clark can be used as a case study with which to assess Jeffersonian policy. First, the men followed direct orders from Jefferson, instructed to act as the 'forward voice' of his anticipated policy. Second, the men recorded almost the entirety of the voyage, and thoroughly captured the initial contact between whites and natives. Moreover, this contact occurred in region without previous contact with whites. As such, the Lewis and Clark expedition affords a unique opportunity to eliminate some of the inherent biases which were amassed during the colonial period of contact, both with the British and the American colonies.

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Advances in computer technology have made it possible for designers to manipulate realistic images on a computer screen. Previously, most computer generated images consisted of line drawings or distorted grid perspectives. A program known as PC/NewPerspectives, which generated distorted grid perspectives, has been in use by US Forest Service Landscape Architects who use it to determine the visual impact of a proposed harvest unit and manipulate the layout to reduce the impact. New programs in video imagery offer the opportunity to design harvest layouts on a more realistic format, which may also be used as a communication tool to relay to members of the public what the proposed alteration would look like. This study compares the two media in terms of landscape preference and acceptability of activity to determine the difference in the two media as communication tools and how this would influence their effectiveness. / M.L.A.

Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America, had numerous problems to solve during his tenure of office. Many of these problems were difficult, to say the least, and could not be easily dealt with, but among the most complicated was the complex problem of command. There can be little doubt that a command problem actually existed. Indeed, the tension between Davis and his generals was quite often open and above board. Because of this trouble, the armies of the Confederate government were never as effective as they could have been.

John Hartwell Cocke was a Virginia planter and amateur architect whose style evolved from Jeffersonian Classicism to a revival of English Tudor-Stuart or Jacobethan architecture. This dissertation discusses the Cocke family's Elizabethan roots and advances four theses. The first of these theses is that John Hartwell Cocke implemented Thomas Jefferson's principles for the reform of Virginia architecture. Cocke's most ambitious project, a Jeffersonian Palladian mansion called Bremo, was in the planning stages by 1815. The second thesis is that Cocke's off-plantation buildings signals his break from the Palladianism of Thomas Jefferson in favor of the Jacobean style for his houses and his acceptance of classical Jeffersonian elements for public buildings. The third thesis proposes John Hartwell Cocke as the first practitioner of the Romantic Colonial Revival movement in America in his revival of Tudor-Stuart architecture. The fourth thesis is that John Hartwell Cocke's architectural legacy was expanded by Philip St. George Cocke, the second of his three sons, when the younger Cocke commissioned Alexander J. Davis to build Belmead and later promoted Davis among his circle of family and friends.

Excerpt: Thomas Jefferson’s inaugural address was delivered in “so low a tone that few heard it,” but the volume of the day proved explosive otherwise.

Much of the scholarly work in the area of the separation of church and state in America has centered on such lofty goals as examining the Constitution of the United States and voluminous court documents. Others meticulously scrutinize every word ever uttered by the founding fathers on the subject. During the last two decades, there has been a considerable increase in the debate concerning the separation of church and state. The religious right has become determined to infuse our governmental institutions with a decidedly more religious tone, while the religious left prefers the separation of church and state as it is. But how does the average American feel about the separation of church and state? This project will examine our religious heritage from Europe and the development of the separation of church and state in America. Finally this project conducted surveys of Americans to determine just how much they know about how the separation of church developed in America and perhaps more importantly what they believe it should be. Two separate surveys totaling 19 questions were developed. The questions probed historical facts, the founding fathers and questions regarding the separation of church and state today. The surveys were conducted in Manatee County, Florida during the spring of 2008 and again in late August and early September, 2008. The survey respondents were made up of 4 distinct groups. Those respondents surveyed in Spring 2008 were in-class college students in the University of South Florida at Sarasota/Manatee. Two other groups were made up of high school graduates and college graduates who work for the Manatee and Sarasota District schools. The final group was surveyed during a multi family picnic on Labor Day weekend. The results of the surveys were tabulated and the respondents were placed in groups according to 2 questions on the back of the surveys that asked the respondents to give their political party affiliation and their religious denomination.

In the context of California’s progressive political culture and growing economic inequality, a grassroots secessionist movement in rural northern California called the State of Jefferson movement arose in 2013. While the movement resembles other populist uprisings, its grievances are particular to its geographic, historical, and political context. Many tend to generalize populist campaigns as sinister or illiberal; however, this thesis finds that the State of Jefferson movement contains elements of populism as well as classical liberalism and republicanism. Through qualitative research, this thesis argues that movements of this sort are both inevitable in liberal democracy and also serve a legitimate purpose in strengthening democracy by calling for reform and good government. Growing political polarization, especially with the rise of Trump, and rural-urban cleavages in the United States beg for movements like the State of Jefferson to receive inquiry.