This thesis is the first modern joint study of biblical Cherubim and Seraphim. I begin by setting out the recent history of their interpretation, before taking each of the biblical texts in turn. Chapter 1 looks at the references to Cherubim in Ezekiel. I argue that the Cherubim in Ezek. 1-11 are based upon the two large Cherubim in the sanctuary in Jerusalem. I investigate the different traditions represented by LXX and MT versions of Ezek. 28 and identify a tradition which may account for the MT of this chapter. Chapter 2 covers the other descriptions of living Cherubim in the biblical texts in Gen. 3 and Ps. 18. I argue for a conscious link with the Jerusalem Temple in both texts but for their independence from each other. All the references to Cherubim in the Temple and the Tabernacle are looked at in Chapter 3, and I offer a radical re-imagining of the two large Cherubim in the Solomonic Temple and on the Kapporeth in the Mosaic Tabernacle. In Chapter 4 I question the validity of translating the Cherubim Formula as “enthroned upon the Cherubim”, and offer an alternative translation which makes reference to all the Cherubim mentioned in the text. In Chapter 5, looking at the references to saraph, I follow Joines and others in arguing for a serpentine form for the Seraphim, but argue that this identity was forgotten at an early stage of the textual transmission, and that they were then seen as part of Yhwh’s heavenly host. Finally, I argue that the role of Cherubim and Seraphim is similar, being primarily apotropaic, but that both are associated with theophany and, less frequently, with heavenly worship.

The Thesis explores the Venetian Inquisition's handling of cases involving crypto-Jewish, crypto-Muslim practices and some cases where people had lapsed into Islamic ways, especially when in remoter parts of the Venetian empire or within the Ottoman empire and who sought reconciliation with the Catholic Church. Despite their differences, the offences involved the practice of dissimulation and connected with Venice's position as a transit city, since for most offenders, Venice was one among their various destinations in their peregrinations in the Mediterranean. The Thesis draws on the printed transcripts of cases involving Judaism, but also unpublished archival material in both the State archive, and the Patriarchal archive. The discussion, with close textual analysis focuses on the lengthy testimonies given before the Inquisition by a variety of people, who appeared as accusers and witnesses, and examines what they perceived as alleged crypto-Jewish and crypto-Muslim practices in the atmosphere of growing concern about religious deviance in late Renaissance Venice. It analyses the tribunal's approach to the accusations and offences, and changing patterns of practice, paying close attention to the Inquisitors' questioning strategies. As most offenders had undergone conversion, this Thesis analyses how they fashioned their identity in front of the Inquisitors who, on the basis of Church and State regulations, insisted on unambiguous religious identities. The Thesis delineates the convergences and divergences in the handling of these offences, and challenges some perceptions of power relations between accusers and accused. While following these investigations, much is revealed about communities in cosmopolitan Venice, their locations and inter-actions, and how Christian and non-Christians perceived, and mis-perceived, each other. Insights are also provided into movements of individuals - as for commercial or mercenary military purposes - in and between remoter parts of the Venetian empire and the Ottoman empire.

<p>This dissertation examines the ideological developments and strategies of boundary formation which accompanied the sociological novelty of gentiles&rsquo; becoming Jews in the Second Temple period. I argue that the phenomenon of gentile conversion influenced ancient Jews to re&ndash;conceive their God as they devised new ways to articulate the now&ndash;permeable boundary between Jew and &lsquo;other,&rsquo; between insiders and outsiders. Shaye Cohen has shown that this boundary became porous as the word &lsquo;Jew&rsquo; took on religious and political meanings in addition to its ethnic connotations. A gentile could therefore become a Jew. I focus on an ancient Jewish author who thought that gentiles not only could become Jews, but that they should: that of <italic>Joseph and Aseneth</italic>. Significant modifications of biblical traditions about God, Israel, and &lsquo;the other&rsquo; were necessary in order to justify, on ideological grounds, the possibility of gentile access to Jewish identity and the Jewish community. </p><p>One such rewritten tradition is the relationship of both Jew and gentile to the &lsquo;living God,&rsquo; a common epithet in Israel&rsquo;s scriptures. Numerous Jewish authors from the Second Temple period, among whom I include the apostle Paul, deployed this biblical epithet in various ways in order to construct or contest boundaries between gentiles and the God of Israel. Whereas previous scholars have approached this divine title exclusively as a theological category, I read it also as a literary device with discursive power which helps these authors regulate gentile access to Israel&rsquo;s God and, in most cases, to Jewish identity. <italic>Joseph and Aseneth</italic> develops an innovative theology of Israel&rsquo;s &lsquo;living God&rsquo; which renders this narrative exceptionally optimistic about the possibilities of gentile conversion and incorporation into Israel. Aseneth&rsquo;s tale uses this epithet in conjunction with other instances of &lsquo;life&rsquo; language not only to express confidence in gentiles&rsquo; capability to convert, but also to construct a theological articulation of God in relationship to repentant gentiles which allows for and anticipates such conversion. A comparison of the narrative&rsquo;s &lsquo;living God" terminology to that of the book of <italic>Jubilees</italic> and the apostle Paul sets into relief the radical definition of Jewishness which <italic>Joseph and Aseneth</italic> constructs &mdash; a definition in which religious practice eclipses ancestry and under which boundaries between Jew and &lsquo;other&rsquo; are permeable.</p> / Dissertation

<p>In his important work, The Beginnings of Jewishness, Shaye J. D. Cohen has argued that what it meant to be a Jew underwent considerable revision during the second century B.C.E. While previously a Jew was defined in terms of ethnicity (by which Cohen means biological descent), in the wake of Judaism's sustained encounter with Hellenism, the term Jew came to be defined as an ethno-religion--that is, one could choose to become a Jew. Nonetheless, the recent work of scholars, such as Christine E. Hayes, has demonstrated that there continued to exist in early Judaism a strain of thinking that, in theory at least, excluded the possibility that Gentiles could become Jews. This genealogical exclusion, found in works such as Jubilees, was highly indebted to the "holy seed" theology evidenced in Ezra-Nehemiah, a theology which defined Jewishness in genealogical terms.</p> <p>This dissertation will attempt to contribute to a greater understanding of differing conceptions of circumcision in early Judaism, one that more accurately describes the nature of Jewish thought with regard to Jewishness, circumcision, and conversion. In terms of methodology, my dissertation will combine historical criticism with a literary approach to the texts under consideration. The dissertation will focus on texts from the Hebrew Bible as well as Jewish texts from the Second Temple period as these writings provide windows into the various forms of Judaism from which the early Christian movement arose.</p> <p>Beginning with the Hebrew Bible, I will argue that there is no evidence that circumcision was considered to be a rite of conversion to Israelite religion. In fact, circumcision, particularly the infant circumcision instantiated within Israelite and early Jewish society excludes from the covenant those not properly descended from Abraham. In the Second Temple period, many Jews did begin to conceive of Jewishness in terms which enabled Gentiles to become Jews. Nonetheless, some Jews found this definition of Jewishness problematic, and defended the borders of Jewishness by reasserting a strictly genealogical conception of Jewish identity. Consequently, some Gentiles who underwent conversion to Judaism in this period faced criticism because of their suspect genealogy. Our sources record such exclusion with regard to the Herodians, Idumeans who had converted to Judaism. </p> <p>Additionally, a more thorough examination of how circumcision and conversion were perceived by Jews in the Second Temple period will be instrumental in better understanding early Christianity. It is the argument of this dissertation that further attention to a definition of Jewishness that was based on genealogical descent has broader implications for understanding the variegated nature of early Christian mission to the Gentiles in the first century C.E.</p> / Dissertation

Thesis (MPhil (Ancient Studies)--University of Stellenbosch, 2007. / Recent studies, especially since the Nag Hammadi discoveries, indicate that “Gnosticism” often functions as a constructed “Other” in attempts to define Christian orthodoxy, as well as a catch-phrase for a range of diverse religious phenomena in late Hellenism. If the unity of Gnosticism is a construct, the search for a single origin of Gnosticism is probably also futile. Rather, the influence of several sources – Platonic, Christian, Iranian, existential and Jewish – to the Gnostic phenomena should be studied. Texts labled Sethian by modern scholars show strong traces of a Jewish cosmology, vocabulary and mythology. Five possible routes for the transmission of Jewish motifs to Sethian Gnosticism are pointed out: failed apocalyptic expectations (Grant); allegorical interpretations of the Law among Philo and Alexandrian Jews (Pearson); Christianity as vehicle for transmission (Pétrement); Palestinian and Samaritan speculation (Perkins); and the influence of the Jewish Wisdom tradition (Rudolph and MacRae). Traces of Judaism in Gnostic Sethian texts can be located using a motif study. Fallon has done such a study of the so-called Sabaoth pericopes. In this thesis a similar study is done of the “Gospel of Judas”. The study shows that this text is Christian, preoccupied with a sectarian Christian debate. The apostolic church is denounced and a Sethian Gnosticism (noticeably influenced by Judaism) is posited as alternative. To that end a Sethian cosmological sermon, with strong Jewish motifs, is attributed to Jesus in which he holds forth Sethian cosmology as an alternative to a discredited rival form of Christianity. The most prominent of Jewish motifs in the cosmological passage of the Judas text are the names, functions and descriptions of angels, but it also includes numerological speculation and figures such as Seth.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2012. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The aim of this thesis is to investigate the possible influence of Persian religion on dualism in Jewish apocalyptic literature, with particular attention to 1 Enoch. Many studies have been conducted on Jewish apocalyptic, although relatively few studies concentrate on Persian religious influence. One of the main reasons for this is the problematic dating of Persian sources, all of which appear to date to a later period than the Jewish apocalyptic texts they are suspected of influencing. Scholars who believe in the antiquity of the traditions underlying the Persian texts, such as Boyce, Otzen and Silverman, tend to be positive about the possibility of influence, whereas scholars such as Hanson and VanderKam insist that the origins of apocalyptic traditions can be found within Jewish religion and Mesopotamian culture, respectively. The dualism between God and evil plays a central role in Jewish apocalyptic. This basic dualism manifests itself in various dualities and on four levels. Firstly, on the cosmic level God is pitted against an agent of darkness (Satan/Belial/Mastema/Azazel) and good angels oppose fallen angels or demons. Secondly, in the physical universe God manifests in order, whereas evil shows itself in every area where God’s order is transgressed. Thirdly, on an anthropological-ethical level, mankind is divided into the righteous and the wicked according to the path each individual chooses within himself. Finally, on an eschatological level, the evils of the present age are contrasted with a glorious future that will begin when the messiah has appeared and the final judgment, which is sometimes linked with a resurrection, has taken place. In order to calculate when this new age will dawn, apocalyptic writers divide history into periods. Each of the abovementioned aspects finds a parallel in Persian religious thought, which revolves around the dualism between Ahura Mazda/Spenta Mainyu and Angra Mainyu/Ahriman. Each of the dualistic principles is supported by a host of divine beings and the battle involves nature and mankind, who are expected to choose a side. There is a strong messianic expectation, as well as a well-developed concept of a final judgment that involves resurrection, and the periodization of history is fundamental to the religion. This thesis attempts to trace the development of the abovementioned concepts in Jewish thinking, depending mainly on the Hebrew Bible as representative of ancient Israelite religion. Where discrepancies between Jewish apocalyptic and the ancient religion become evident, the possibility of Persian influence is considered. The investigation will show that each of the abovementioned aspects of the dualism between God and evil in Jewish apocalyptic contain traces of what might be the influence of Persian religion. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die moontlike invloed van Persiese godsdiens op die dualisme in Joodse apokaliptiek te ondersoek, met spesifieke verwysing na die Ethiopic Book of Enoch. ‘n Groot aantal studies is reeds uitgevoer rondom Joodse apokaliptiek, alhoewel relatief min daarvan fokus op die invloed van Persiese godsdiens. Een van die hoofredes hiervoor is die probleme rondom die datering van Persiese tekste, waarvan almal uit ‘n latere tydperk as die meeste Joodse apokaliptiese tekste blyk te dateer. Diegene wat vertroue het in die antiekheid van onderliggende tradisies in Persiese tekste, soos Boyce, Otzen en Silverman, is geneig om positief te wees oor die moontlikheid van invloed, terwyl ander soos Hanson en VanderKam daarop aandring dat die oorsprong van apokaliptiese tradisies te vinde is in Joodse godsdiens en die kultuur van Mesopotamië. Die dualisme tussen God en die bose speel ‘n sentrale rol in Joodse apokaliptiek. Hierdie basiese dualisme manifesteer in verskeie dualiteite en op vier vlakke. Eerstens, staan God op die kosmiese vlak teenoor ‘n agent van duisternis (Satan/Belial/Mastema/Azazel), en sit goeie engele slegte engele of demone teë. Tweedens manifesteer God in die orde van die fisiese heelal, terwyl die bose manifesteer in die oortreding van God se orde. Op die derde, antropologies-etiese vlak, is die mensdom verdeel tussen goed en kwaad op grond van die weg wat elke individu in homself kies. Laastens word die boosheid van die huidige era op die eskatologiese vlak gekontrasteer met die glorieryke toekoms, wat sal aanbreek wanneer die messias gekom het en die laaste oordeel, wat soms verband hou met ‘n opstanding, plaasgevind het. Apokaliptiese skrywers verdeel gereeld die wêreldgeskiedenis in tydperke om sodoende te bereken wanneer die toekomstige era sal aanbreek. Elkeen van die bogenoemde aspekte vind ‘n parallel in die Persiese godsdiens, wat gebaseer is op die dualisme tussen Ahura Mazda/Spenta Mainyu en Ahriman/Angra Mainyu. Elkeen word ondersteun deur ‘n leer van goddelike wesens en die stryd sluit die natuur en mensdom, van wie verwag word om ‘n kant te kies, in. Daar is ‘n sterk messiaanse verwagting, sowel as ‘n goed-ontwikkelde konsep van ‘n laaste oordeel, wat gepaard gaan met ‘n opstanding. Die verdeling van wêreldgeskiedenis in tydperke is ook fundamenteel tot die godsdiens. Hierdie tesis poog om die ontwikkeling van bogenoemde konsepte in die Joodse denkwyse na te volg en maak hoofsaaklike staat op die Hebreeuse Bybel as verteenwoordigend van oud-Israelitiese godsdiens. Waar diskrepansies tussen Joodse apokaliptiek en die antieke godsdiens vorendag kom, word die moontlikheid van Persiese invloed oorweeg. Die ondersoek sal toon dat elkeen van die bogenoemde aspekte van die dualisme tussen God en die bose in Joodse apokaliptiek moontlike tekens van Persiese invloed toon.

This project shows how Jonson and Shakespeare represent dissatisfactions with filiation and paternity as discontents with other early modern discourses of cultural reproduction, and vice versa. Chapters on six plays analyze the father-child tie as it articulates sensitivities and hopes in remote arenas, from usury law to mourning rites, humanism to Judaism, witchcraft to visions of heaven. In every play, the father is disembodied. He is dead, invisible, physically separated from his child, or represented in consistently incorporeal terms. In its very formlessness, the vision of paternity as abstraction is what makes it such a flexible metaphor for Renaissance attitudes to so many different forms of cultural cohesion and replication. The Shakespeare plays treat the somatic gulf with ambivalence. For Shakespeare, who ultimately rejects a world beyond the impermanent material one, incorporeality is both the father's prestige and his punishment. But for Jonson, the desomatization more often indicates paternal privilege. Jonson wants filiation and fathering to counteract the progression of history, and since time destroys the concrete, abstraction and disembodiment are necessary for the process to work. His plays initially envision a paternally imagined rule of law achieving permanence for those under it. But Volpone undermines Every man in his humour's fantasy of law, and The staple of news dismantles it still more. Ultimately, in Staple's schematically represented father and son, a pair whose reunion allows them a courtroom triumph, Jonson resorts to an abstractly figured paternity itself to justify other abstractions, legal and literary. As with law in Jonson, so for religion and the supernatural in Shakespeare. Shakespeare's body of work eventually renounces the religious faith whose representation it interweaves with portraits of children and fathers. It does so first in Merchant's intimidating Judaism and hypocritical Christianity, then in Twelfth night's more subtly referenced Catholicism, mournful and aestheticized, and finally in The tempest's various abjurations. Monotheism vanishes altogether in the last play, replaced by a dead witch and multiple spirits and deities who do the bidding of a conjuror who plans to give them up. Both playwrights ultimately reduce their investment in other forms of cultural transmission in favor of more intimate parent-child structures, embodied or not. / text

This dissertation investigates one subset of the many "signs and symbols" representative of traditional Roman religion at Ostia -- its temples and sanctuaries. It uses this body of evidence to foreground a discussion of social and cultural transformation from the 3rd through 6th c. C.E. This period witnessed the decline of traditional religious practices and the rise of a more prominent Judaism and Christianity. Earlier treatments of this topic, however, have often approached the material by assembling a catalogue of buildings, documenting limited incidences of new construction or repair evidenced throughout the Late Roman town. This project, by contrast, instead of beginning with material dated to the "twilight years" of Roman Ostia, starts with the first records of excavation at Ostia Antica. It is these archaeological reports, some comprehensive, others more impressionistic, which document the eclectic nature of objects, sculpture, and architecture that were frequently found preserved throughout the town. These reports represent a new starting point for reconstructing the appearance of the Late Antique city. Drawing upon this material, each of my four chapters takes one element of the traditional landscape (the Capitolium, the so-called Temple of Hercules, the Sanctuary of Magna Mater, or the cult of Vulcan) and then interweaves one or more facets of Christianity or Judaism in order to reveal, dialectically, the dynamism of urban change. Socially and economically, Ostia itself witnessed significant changes during this time. This dissertation provides new answers to when, why, and how those changes took place. It reveals how ambitious architectural projects of the Late Roman Empire continued to achieve stature by visually engaging with both the presence and prestige of earlier monuments. Uncovering new evidence with which to challenge the concept of a late 4th c. "pagan revival," my research, in particular, suggests that accommodation of the past, not urban conflict, was a dominant social model. Finally, I suggest that a broad view of traditional and Christian festivals, from the 4th c. through 6th, shows how new cults, like those of Aurea or Monica, mother of Augustine, simultaneously preserved and transformed the city's traditions into the Early Middle Ages. / text

In the earlier part of this century, archaeology was imported into biblical studies as a tool to demonstrate the historical accuracy of the Bible. Methodological differences, however, prevented very meaningful dialogue and eventually the two disciplines drifted apart. Archaeology has matured in the intervening years and now can enter a dialogue with biblical studies as an independent discipline. While biblical studies and archaeology work with different sets of data and approach the same subject with different questions, the disciplines can meaningfully intersect when they are interpreted through the perspective of anthropology of religion. Anthropology, with its study of the nature of religion and ritual, provides a matrix into which archaeology and biblical studies can place their respective data and find an interpretive framework. This dissertation uses Josiah's reforms (2 Kings 23) as a test case to bring archaeology and biblical studies into dialogue. The text lists activities and artifacts that were objects of Josiah's reform. The first three chapters deal with biblical and general anthropological data. Chapters four and five focus specifically on bamot and goddess worship. Chapter six discusses an array of artifacts: worship of the heavenly bodies, cult functionaries, child sacrifice, standing stones, the occult, and figurines. Each section examines the biblical data, anthropological theory, and any artifactual evidence that might reflect cultic practices. The purpose has been not to offer a comprehensive or exhaustive list of artifacts, but to show the types of objects that attracted Josiah's attention.

No abstract available. / Thesis (M.Th.)-University of KwaZulu-Natal, Pietermaritzburg, 2012.