Fish are one of the most imperiled groups of vertebrates worldwide. Threats to fish fall into one of four general categories: physical habitat loss or degradation, chemical pollution, overfishing, and nonnative species introductions. Nonnative predatory fish often have a devastating impact on native prey, especially with endemic fish, whose restricted distribution and often limited evolutionary history with predators make them particularly susceptible to nonnative predators. One reason nonnative fish are often so efficient predators is that the native fish do not recognize the predator as a threat. Although many studies have examined the role of predator odor recognition, no fish have been shown to possess an innate recognition of the odor of predators unless they share a close co-evolutionary history. Many fish learn to identify novel predators through exposure to a predator's odor in conjunction with a conspecific alarm cue. Alarm cues are substances that are stored in the epidermis of many fish and are released when skin cells are broken. Exposure to novel predator odor in conjunction with alarm cue does not necessarily require a fish to survive a close encounter with a predator to be able to learn to recognize the predator. Here I show that it is possible to train hatchery-raised fish (June sucker, Chasmistes liorus) to recognize a nonnative predator odor (largemouth bass, Micropterus salmoides) through exposure to the odor of a predator that has eaten June sucker. I also show that this training can translate into higher survival in subsequent encounters with predators. I propose that training hatchery-raised fish prior to stocking may increase survival of hatchery-raised fish through anti-predator behavior.

The present study first establishes a framework for examining sociologically how ideas are formed with particular reference to the examination of Chinese intellectuals' conceptualization of democracy. The basis for this framework is K. Mannheim's sociology of knowledge, together with A. Gramsci's sociology of intellectuals and P. Bourdieu's notion of intellectual field. Deriving the insights from these scholars we hope to establish a more coherent conceptual framework for the analysis of intellectual production. With this framework in hand, the next step was to determine a reasonable approach to the examination of the ideological formation of Chinese intellectuals. The source of information for the study came from the first-hand intensive interviews with the selected intellectuals. Besides, the present study also scrutinizes the works of these intellectuals whose works have spanned the years especially from the May Fourth Movement (1919) to the June Fourth Incident (1989). Their perceptions of democracy, freedom and human rights provide vital clues for determining the complete picture of the evolution on the idea of democracy in contemporary China. No one intellectual has managed to suggest what democracy is, but using the theoretical framework and examining the interviews, writings and speeches of these intellectuals over a period of several years have allowed this researcher to develop a systematic and a more integrated view of democracy as formulated by Chinese intellectuals. In the process of analyzing the ideological production of Chinese intellectuals, this writer has also discovered the emergence of new and different relationships which have developed between Chinese intellectuals and the state. At the same time as they have become more independent, the nature of their critique has changed. In the past Chinese intellectuals criticized only the corruption of government and never the system of government itself. But post-Mao intellectuals have thrown off the fetters of their predecessors and turned their attacks on the system of their repressive Communist regime. Those who, in an earlier era, were fiercely loyal to the Communist ideals now speak only of the myth of a Communist utopia. Their criticism of the crises in China and their critique of state socialism reveal not only their scepticism of socialist praxis but also their wishes to make China more democratic. One point which deserves special attention is that the present research finds that the sixth generation of intellectuals has become more conscious about their independent role, rethinking a new relationship with the state and they have distinguished themselves from the establishment. The most significant finding of the present research is the fact that the ideological formation is greatly affected by the social location, the educational orientation and generational location of intellectuals. More importantly, a deeper understanding of how Chinese intellectuals conceive the ideas of democracy is significantly determined by the particular socio-historical and socio-cultural contexts in which the ideas are formed. The present study also observes that intellectual radicalism is greatly constrained by the socioeconomic and political opportunities that intellectuals have access. With different social locations and socio-economic-political opportunities to which intellectuals access, they may adopt different strategies in coping with the state. After the June Fourth massacre, many Chinese intellectuals with critical thinking were forced to exile overseas. The writer also finds that these exiled intellectuals have deeper reflection of democracy and also their relationship with the state especially when their socio-political circumstances have changed. Adding these observations together, it is highly indicative to us that Chinese intellectuals have struggled for a more autonomous social position and endeavored to have a new relationship with the state.

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1962. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 61-63).

The spatial scales at which ecological phenomena are viewed constrain the results of interactions between species and their environments. In lake ecosystems, important dynamics have been identified at the landscape scale and the macrohabitat scale. To determine if landscape-scale effects and macrohabitat-scale effects are important in survival and growth of young June suckers, we compared variation among sites in Utah Lake. Large semi-permeable cages were used to house June suckers in situ at five sites representing landscape-scale variation and two sites representing macrohabitat-scale variation in Utah Lake. We compared survival and growth among sites and related it to resource availability (zooplankton abundances), temperature, and disturbance regime to determine if these were possible drivers of variation. Provo Bay had the highest mean survival and high survival in all four cages. Growth differed among sites: Provo Bay and the northwest site had the highest and lowest mean growth rates, respectively. Survival was higher in vegetated water than open water, whereas growth was significantly higher in open water. Zooplankton densities were highest in Provo Bay and the open water habitat, suggesting a positive relationship between food abundance and growth. Temperature patterns were not consistent with differences in growth among sites. Disturbance was greater in the open lake, which may partly explain the higher survival rates in Provo Bay.

Student Number : 0216658A - PhD thesis - School of Social Sciences - Faculty of Humanities / This thesis is a study of underground organisation from the 1950s until 1976, though it also draws on material prior to and after these periods. It delves into an area of social activity that has been relatively invisible in scholarship on South Africa and resistance history. The study considers the concept of underground operations. It is taken to include not only the place where the ‘final’ activities may have taken place, but those countries where cadres were trained or housed, even if this would normally be characterised as located in ‘exile’. It is ‘outside’, but it such activities are also treated as part of the underground phenomenon considered as a whole. At the level of historiography the thesis is a re-reading of early ANC underground, partly giving a different interpretation to existing literature, but also relying on the insights of oral informants. The establishment of the SACP underground is fleshed out through interview material, but the thesis challenges the notion that the Party controlled the ANC, arguing in contrast that the conditions of the alliance demanded limitations on SACP’s autonomy. In the period after Rivonia the conventional historiography speaks of a lull and an absence of the ANC and its allies. The thesis provides evidence to contradict this showing that while there may have been silence, there was never absence. It also probes the relationship between ANC and Black Consciousness, where it shows far more overlap than much of the existing literature has disclosed. The study is at once a historical narrative and also an attempt to characterise the social character of this area of study, the special features that go to make up clandestine organisaton. Within this characterisation of underground activity, the thesis also probes the gendered nature of these activities, the definite impact of concepts of masculinity and femininity within a conventionally male terrain. Related to these questions the thesis probes the relationship between the personal and organisational, both at the level of individual decision-making and notions of love and realising emotions. The chapter on gender examines the denial of manhood to African men and considers ANC masculinities and assertion of the need to regain manhood in that context. The thesis also examines the entry of women into the male world of the army and underground, explaining many of the difficulties and the countervailing efforts of women as well as certain men to assert the rights of women to equal participation. The chapter on the impact of revolutionary activity on the personal examines the subordination of individual judgement to the collective and in the personal sphere, notions of revolutionary love, found not only in South Africa but in most revolutionary struggles, where ‘love for the people’ tends to displace inter-personal love. The final chapter –by way of an epilogue- examines the outcomes of struggles after 1976, initiated by various forces including the underground organisation. In this period ANC hegemony begins to consolidate and the character of that hegemony is broken down into various components.

Esta pesquisa objetiva analisar a expressão da diversidade sexual e de gênero, interpelada por concepções de raça, no contexto das festas juninas de Belém. A partir de etnografia produzida em concursos juninos realizados em bairros periféricos da cidade e também em certames promovidos pela Prefeitura Municipal de Belém e pelo Governo do Estado do Pará, propõe-se abordar as festas juninas como um momento de congregação social ritualizado. Pressupõe-se que a participação de certos sujeitos nesse contexto festivo (especialmente as mulheres cisgênero, os homens homossexuais, as travestis e pessoas transgênero) pode render importantes reflexões acerca de processos nos quais gênero, raça e sexualidade são articulados em performance. Numa abordagem que privilegia a análise do contexto etnográfico a partir da problematização de marcadores sociais da diferença articulados, esta pesquisa dedica-se ao entendimento de como as festas juninas produzem sujeitos generificados, racializados e sexualizados. A intenção é dar inteligibilidade a um tenso processo de reconhecimento de certos sujeitos no contexto de realização de um ciclo festivo popular produzido pelo Estado, mas também por produtores culturais das periferias de Belém. / This research aims to analyze the expression of sexual and gender diversity, intersected by conceptions of race, in the context of the June festivals in Belém. From ethnography produced in June competitions held on \"peripheral\" areas of the city and also in competitions promoted by Belém City Hall and Government of the State of Pará, it is proposed to address these contests as a moment of ritualized social congregation. It is assumed that the participation of certain subjects in this festive context (especially cisgender women, gay men, travestis and transgender people) can yield important insights about processes in which gender, race and sexuality are articulated in performance. In an approach that focuses on the analysis of the ethnographic context from the questioning of social markers of difference articulated, this research is dedicated to the understanding of how the June festivals produce gendered, racialized and sexualized people. The intention is to give intelligibility to a tense process of recognition of certain subjects in the context of a popular festive cycle produced by the State but also by peripheral cultural producers in Belém.

A presente tese tem o intuito de apresentar o ciclo de confrontos em junho de 2013 sob uma ótica específica: a espacialidade dos protestos. Os objetivos são, portanto, dar conta de uma importante carência na teoria dos movimentos sociais que só lateralmente tem tratado a questão do espaço e sua influência no volume e caracterização dos eventos de protesto. Outro objetivo é mais restrito e limitado. Os confrontos em junho de 2013 tomaram de assalto as ruas das cidades brasileiras e invadiram todos os espaços físicos possíveis no intuito de celebrar a revolta do poder popular contra tudo isso que estava aí. Parte das análises adotou o espaço como fator decisivo na formação de eixos de motivação para os manifestantes. O direito à cidade apareceu como ponto motivador para os atores coletivos presentes no ciclo de junho. A tese não rejeita essa hipótese, mas acredita que ela deva ser qualificada. Isso porque o espaço físico é formado segundo os mais variados padrões urbanos no Brasil. Existem diversos brasis urbanos. E, dentro dessa diversidade, é fundamental olhar para o trivial da cena do protesto. Isto é, todo protesto é realizado em um lugar. Lugar, com traços e características específicas. No espaço físico onde se encontram manifestantes vestidos com os mais diversos matizes verde-amarelos, vermelhos e o punk anarquista também interagem cidadãos comuns, jornalistas, policiais e autoridades políticas. Isto é, se a espacialidade do protesto importa para além da formação das carências urbanas, de que modo esses espaços influenciam os ativistas nas tomadas de decisão? Quais mecanismos favorecem ou impedem a mobilização em determinados espaços físicos dentro das cidades? A hipótese da tese é de que é possível identificar cenários políticos definidos por práticas socioespaciais que conectam os atores políticos. Fez-se uso tanto de material da imprensa da época, dando um tratamento qualitativo, como também de abordagens metodológicas quantitativas, a fim de traçar o processo de difusão do ciclo de confrontos e sua relação com os espaços, a Análise de Eventos de Protesto (AEP) foi mobilizada. Entre os achados está a identificação de dois cenários definidos de protesto. Até 2013, a cidade de São Paulo era marcada pela existência de dois tipos de cenários de mobilização e protesto: cenários de negociação (com a presença de sindicatos, socialistas outros atores na região central) e cenários de confronto e pressão (tanto autonomistas quanto socialistas fazendo uso do vetor sudoeste da cidade). Esses cenários foram fundamentais na criação de laços e alianças e, portanto, fundamentais para a evolução do ciclo de junho de 2013. Ao contrário de determinadas narrativas, os espaços ativados em junho não podem ser caracterizados como novos. Os protestos recuperaram as ocupações em cenários estabelecidos de protesto. / The present thesis aims to present the cycle of confrontations in June 2013 under a specific perspective: the spatiality of the protests. The objectives are therefore to account for an important lack in the theory of social movements that only laterally has dealt with the issue of space and its influence on the volume and characterization of protest events. Another goal is more restricted and limited. The clashes in June 2013 took over Brazilian cities and invaded all possible physical spaces in order to celebrate the revolt of popular power against all that was there. Part of the analysis adopted space as a decisive factor in the formation of motivation axes for demonstrators. The right to the city appeared as a motivating point for the collective actors present in the June cycle. The thesis does not reject this hypothesis but believes that it should be qualified. This is because; the physical space is varied according to the most varied urban patterns in Brazil. There are several urban Brasils. And within this diversity, it is fundamental to look at the trivial of the protest scene. That is, every protest is held in one place. Place, with specific features and characteristics. The physical space in which demonstrators dressed in the most varied shades - yellow-green, red and anarchist punk - are also interacting with ordinary citizens, journalists, adherents, police officers and political authorities. That is, if the spatiality of protest matters in addition to the formation of urban needs, how do these spaces influence activists in their decision-making? What mechanisms favor or prevent mobilization in certain physical spaces within cities? The hypothesis of the thesis is possible to identify political scenarios defined by socio-spatial practices that connect political actors. The thesis made use of both press material of the time, giving a qualitative treatment, as well as using quantitative methodological approaches. In order to trace the process of diffusion of the confrontation cycle and its relation to space, Protest Event Analysis (AEP) was mobilized. Among the findings is the identification of two defined protest scenarios. Until 2013, the city of São Paulo was marked by the existence of two types of mobilization and protest scenarios: negotiation scenarios (with the presence of unions, socialists and other actors in the central region) and scenarios of confrontation and pressure (both autonomist and socialist making use of the southwestern vector of the city). These scenarios were fundamental in the creation of bonds and alliances and therefore fundamental to the evolution of the cycle of June 2013. Unlike certain narratives, the spaces activated in June cannot be characterized as new. The protests recovered occupations in established protest scenarios.

Yuen Wai Sze. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2006. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 119-124). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / ABSTRACT --- p.i / 摘要 --- p.iii / ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.iv / TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.v / TABLES --- p.vi / FIGURES --- p.vii / APPENDICES --- p.vii / Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- LITERATURE REVIEW --- p.6 / Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- RESEARCH METHODOLOGY --- p.13 / Chapter 3.1 --- Event Study Methodology --- p.13 / Chapter 3.2 --- Cross-Sectional Regression Models --- p.20 / Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- DATA DESCRIPTION OF THE JUNE 4th INCIDENT --- p.26 / Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- DATA DESCRIPTION OF THE SIGNING OF CEPA --- p.31 / Chapter CHAPTER 6 --- EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF THE JUNE 4th INCIDENT --- p.35 / Chapter 6.1 --- Background --- p.35 / Chapter 6.2 --- Event Study Results --- p.36 / Chapter 6.3 --- Regression Results --- p.38 / Chapter CHAPTER 7 --- EMPIRICAL ANALYSIS OF THE SIGNING OF CEPA --- p.45 / Chapter 7.1 --- Background --- p.45 / Chapter 7.2 --- Event Study Results --- p.46 / Chapter 7.3 --- Regression Results --- p.49 / Chapter 7.4 --- Robustness Test --- p.57 / Chapter CHAPTER 8 --- CONCLUSION --- p.59 / BIBLIOGRAPHY --- p.119

A presente tese tem o intuito de apresentar o ciclo de confrontos em junho de 2013 sob uma ótica específica: a espacialidade dos protestos. Os objetivos são, portanto, dar conta de uma importante carência na teoria dos movimentos sociais que só lateralmente tem tratado a questão do espaço e sua influência no volume e caracterização dos eventos de protesto. Outro objetivo é mais restrito e limitado. Os confrontos em junho de 2013 tomaram de assalto as ruas das cidades brasileiras e invadiram todos os espaços físicos possíveis no intuito de celebrar a revolta do poder popular contra tudo isso que estava aí. Parte das análises adotou o espaço como fator decisivo na formação de eixos de motivação para os manifestantes. O direito à cidade apareceu como ponto motivador para os atores coletivos presentes no ciclo de junho. A tese não rejeita essa hipótese, mas acredita que ela deva ser qualificada. Isso porque o espaço físico é formado segundo os mais variados padrões urbanos no Brasil. Existem diversos brasis urbanos. E, dentro dessa diversidade, é fundamental olhar para o trivial da cena do protesto. Isto é, todo protesto é realizado em um lugar. Lugar, com traços e características específicas. No espaço físico onde se encontram manifestantes vestidos com os mais diversos matizes verde-amarelos, vermelhos e o punk anarquista também interagem cidadãos comuns, jornalistas, policiais e autoridades políticas. Isto é, se a espacialidade do protesto importa para além da formação das carências urbanas, de que modo esses espaços influenciam os ativistas nas tomadas de decisão? Quais mecanismos favorecem ou impedem a mobilização em determinados espaços físicos dentro das cidades? A hipótese da tese é de que é possível identificar cenários políticos definidos por práticas socioespaciais que conectam os atores políticos. Fez-se uso tanto de material da imprensa da época, dando um tratamento qualitativo, como também de abordagens metodológicas quantitativas, a fim de traçar o processo de difusão do ciclo de confrontos e sua relação com os espaços, a Análise de Eventos de Protesto (AEP) foi mobilizada. Entre os achados está a identificação de dois cenários definidos de protesto. Até 2013, a cidade de São Paulo era marcada pela existência de dois tipos de cenários de mobilização e protesto: cenários de negociação (com a presença de sindicatos, socialistas outros atores na região central) e cenários de confronto e pressão (tanto autonomistas quanto socialistas fazendo uso do vetor sudoeste da cidade). Esses cenários foram fundamentais na criação de laços e alianças e, portanto, fundamentais para a evolução do ciclo de junho de 2013. Ao contrário de determinadas narrativas, os espaços ativados em junho não podem ser caracterizados como novos. Os protestos recuperaram as ocupações em cenários estabelecidos de protesto. / The present thesis aims to present the cycle of confrontations in June 2013 under a specific perspective: the spatiality of the protests. The objectives are therefore to account for an important lack in the theory of social movements that only laterally has dealt with the issue of space and its influence on the volume and characterization of protest events. Another goal is more restricted and limited. The clashes in June 2013 took over Brazilian cities and invaded all possible physical spaces in order to celebrate the revolt of popular power against all that was there. Part of the analysis adopted space as a decisive factor in the formation of motivation axes for demonstrators. The right to the city appeared as a motivating point for the collective actors present in the June cycle. The thesis does not reject this hypothesis but believes that it should be qualified. This is because; the physical space is varied according to the most varied urban patterns in Brazil. There are several urban Brasils. And within this diversity, it is fundamental to look at the trivial of the protest scene. That is, every protest is held in one place. Place, with specific features and characteristics. The physical space in which demonstrators dressed in the most varied shades - yellow-green, red and anarchist punk - are also interacting with ordinary citizens, journalists, adherents, police officers and political authorities. That is, if the spatiality of protest matters in addition to the formation of urban needs, how do these spaces influence activists in their decision-making? What mechanisms favor or prevent mobilization in certain physical spaces within cities? The hypothesis of the thesis is possible to identify political scenarios defined by socio-spatial practices that connect political actors. The thesis made use of both press material of the time, giving a qualitative treatment, as well as using quantitative methodological approaches. In order to trace the process of diffusion of the confrontation cycle and its relation to space, Protest Event Analysis (AEP) was mobilized. Among the findings is the identification of two defined protest scenarios. Until 2013, the city of São Paulo was marked by the existence of two types of mobilization and protest scenarios: negotiation scenarios (with the presence of unions, socialists and other actors in the central region) and scenarios of confrontation and pressure (both autonomist and socialist making use of the southwestern vector of the city). These scenarios were fundamental in the creation of bonds and alliances and therefore fundamental to the evolution of the cycle of June 2013. Unlike certain narratives, the spaces activated in June cannot be characterized as new. The protests recovered occupations in established protest scenarios.

Submitted by Angela Maria de Oliveira (amolivei@uepg.br) on 2018-11-06T18:09:05Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Joao Luiz Stefaniak.pdf: 8681644 bytes, checksum: 334b972ad60ed0920d1f80a5a122973c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-06T18:09:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 811 bytes, checksum: e39d27027a6cc9cb039ad269a5db8e34 (MD5) Joao Luiz Stefaniak.pdf: 8681644 bytes, checksum: 334b972ad60ed0920d1f80a5a122973c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-08-31 / Os acontecimento que se desenrolaram no Brasil em Junho de 2013 estão inseridos na história contemporânea do país. A partir dos protestos convocados pelo Movimento do Passe Livre contra o aumento da tarifa do transporte público uma multidão toma conta das ruas das principais cidades brasileiras. A presente pesquisa busca compreender como foi possível um movimento pontual, que está relacionada a questão urbana, foi capaz de catalisar a indignação de milhões de pessoas. A rua, mais do que cenário das manifestações, constituiu o espaço onde se gestou uma Nova Utopia. Em um curto momento da nossa história se vislumbrou uma revolução. Esta revolução, segundo Henri Lefebvre, representa a superação da velha sociedade industrial por uma nova: a "sociedade urbana". Em Junho de 2013 as velhas ideologias foram incapazes de conter a rebelião que nas ruas colocaram questionaram o velho sistema. A "revolução urbana" se fez presente em um momento fugaz mas intenso onde a juventude precarizada se apropriou da cidade rompendo com o alienante cotidiano das cidades. / The events that developed in Brazil in June 2013 are part of the country's contemporary history. From the protests called by the Movement of the Free Pass against the increase of the rate of the public transport a crowd takes care of the streets of the main Brazilian cities. The objective of this present research is to understand how a punctual movement, which is related to the urban question, was able to catalyze the indignation of millions of people. The street, more than scene of the manifestations, constituted the space where a New Utopia was born. In a brief moment of our history a revolution was envisioned. This revolution, according to Henri Lefebvre, represents the overcoming of the old industrial society by a new one: the "urban society". In June of 2013 the old ideologies were unable to contain the rebellion that put in the streets questioned the old system. The "urban revolution" was present in a fleeting but intense moment where the precarious youth appropriated the city by breaking with the everyday alienator of the cities.