Rapport de recherche bibliographique diplôme d'études supérieures spécialisées : Réseaux d'information et document électronique : Villeurbanne, ENSSIB : 2004.

The thesis aims to discuss effectiveness of the international conflict resolution in the region of the South Caucasus, analyzing the challenges to international efforts to solve the three conflict cases: the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh is among the frozen disputes in the region, the others Abkhazia and the South Ossetia are nominally independent states, however de facto occupied by Russia. It is the fact that three regional players Russia, Turkey and Iran and global players Russia, US, EU have different type of impacts to conflict settlements in the region which directly relate to their political and economic interests. Therefore, after two decades of mediation by powerful states provided no final resolution with numerous attempts at mediation, wherein the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) has taken the lead. The complicated and interdepended relations of states make this region highly sensitive area for war and peace in the world theatrical chessboard. Author also analyzes the effectiveness of conflict management between the parties by focusing on conflicts in the South Caucasus region mentioning their historical, political, security and ethnic dimensions, where international organizations, namely OSCE, UN, EU involve.

Approximately 250 nursery schools and 600 schools were destroyed during the First Karabakh War in Azerbaijan in 1988–94, interrupting the education of over 210,000 school-aged children. Of the 111,043 children until age 5, only 8,300 (7.5%) were registered in preschool, with around 90,000 children out of school and never enrolled. The purpose of this qualitative narrative research study was to explore how the protracted 30-year occupation of around 20% of Azerbaijani lands by Armenian armed forces impacted the educational journey of displaced Azerbaijani school-aged children, who are now adults, during and after the First Karabakh War in 1988-94. It also examined the extent it has affected their full economic integration into society today. Three participants took part in this study. Data collection included one semi-structured interview, a questionnaire, and a follow-up interview. All participants received interview questions prior to their main interview to facilitate reflection of lived experiences. The results indicated that despite years of displacement, hardship, and trauma, the children (now adults) were able to achieve economic prosperity with resilience and high family expectations. This finding suggests that despite experiencing hardship during war, children may be able to achieve economic prosperity if they acquire critical skills to succeed in the labor market with active family involvement, becoming contributing members of society and enjoying financial stability as adults.

Why do warring parties sometimes end up occupying territories they do not claim while not occupying territory they do? How do they explain this and how can we, from this explanation, understand the logic of occupation at work in these cases? This is the puzzle and the research questions at the center of this thesis. Using a case study of the Karabakh War (1991-94) it seeks to understand the rationale behind the Armenian occupation of previously undisputed Azerbaijani-populated territories around the contested entity of Nagorno Karabakh (NK). To achieve this objective the thesis considers one of these districts – Agdam – and contrasts its occupation to the lack of a concerted effort to return control over previously Armenian-populated district of Shaumyan, a territory Armenians view as under Azerbaijani occupation. The thesis presents the circumstances and rationales provided by the Armenian leaders for these counter-intuitive policies of occupation they pursued during the Karabakh war. This necessitates examining the prior meanings of these places, the contested and changed significance of Agdam and Shaumyan since the Karabakh war. There are five distinct explanatory accounts of logics of occupation. These are accounts based on 1) military/security needs; 2) political elite-driven decisions, 3) economic gain, 4) psychological and 5) identity-related factors. Process tracing and archival research points to primarily security and psychological rationales for the original actions, whereas economic gain played a secondary role. While these factors remain significant in justifying continued occupation, today they are also strongly augmented by newly-constructed identity markers and political elite-driven considerations. / Master of Public and International Affairs

Since 1988, the states of Armenia and Azerbaijan have been engaged in conflict over the enclave of Nagorno Karabakh. The conflict has developed into one of the most intractable and complicated disputes in the international arena, with the main parties being the two rivalling sovereign states plus the 'unrecognised state' of Nagorno Karabakh. Despite the optimistic statements and claims by the OSCE and after many years of negotiations and talks, the peace process remains in stalemate. The research argues the virtues of Track Two diplomacy and highlights the successful instances where it has made important contributions to the 'official' or Track One diplomatic process. It also explores the potential of a 'no war no peace' situation by discerning the factors influencing the progress of the conflict. The research shows that a deeper understanding of the obstacles to peace is achieved by appreciating the significance of historical events as well as recognising the motives and interests of the different parties. The study reviews all major factors which have led to the failure of resolution efforts, particular the negative role played by Russia. It concludes that the scholars in the field of conflict resolution can bring about a lasting peace to this region, provided there is a fundamental change in the structure of the co-chairs of the OSCE.

In a world where nationalist movements are on the rise with the potential to contest state legitimacy, the study of nationalism both as a political phenomenon and as an academic topic becomes more salient. / This study attempts to explain the causes of nationalism, as well as the conditions that contribute to its militarization. It advances working definitions of the concepts of ethnic groups, nations and nationalism, and identifies the differences between ethnic and national politics. The emergence of nationalism is analyzed through a model. which aims to present a causal relationship between nation, nationalism and militarized crisis. The derived propositions and hypotheses are tested on the Nagorno-Karabagh case, an irredentist conflict in Transcaucasia that has developed into a militarized crisis and has escalated to war.

After the Soviet dissolution, the newly independent post-Soviet state of Azerbaijan intensified its efforts at developing its relations with the United States. Based on the analysis of the Azerbaijan&ndash / U.S. relations between1991-2006, the thesis tries to answer which factors could account for the existing political problems between these countries, given that both countries have a common interest in deepening their cooperation concerning the Caspian energy resources as well as the fight against international terrorism. This thesis argues that although both countries have many interests in common, they are unable to deepen their level of cooperation because of the Nagorno-Karabakh problem which, since it breaches the territorial integrity of Azerbaijan, is that state&rsquo / s main priority. The thesis has four main chapters: after a general overview of the evolution of Azerbaijan&rsquo / s foreign policy in the post-Soviet era and the U.S. policies towards the Caucasus, I examine Azerbaijan&rsquo / s cooperation with the U.S. in the field of energy, the Nagorno-Karabakh problem in Azerbaijan&rsquo / s relations with the U.S., and Azerbaijan&rsquo / s cooperation with the U.S. in the fight against international terrorism. In this thesis I focus on these three interests of Azerbaijan in its relations with the U.S. because in analyzing this country&rsquo / s foreign policy these are vital issues that include economic development, territorial integrity and its global political role concerning security.

Thesis (M.A.)--Villanova University, 2006. / Political Science Dept. Includes bibliographical references.

This diploma thesis deals with issues of statehood. In this study, we examined the de facto states, i.e. countries that are not internationally recognized. First described the characteristics of the state. Subsequently, we examined the international recognition of the state. It will also define the term de facto work is divided into four main chapters. On the basis of the criteria laid down Montevideo Convention of 1933 will be discussed features of statehood. Described is also the state sovereignty and the principles of international recognition by members of the international community. In the second chapter will be presented in greater detail the general features of de facto states. Attention will be paid to formation of de facto states including a detailed explanation of the issue of the right to self-determination and secession. In the third and fourth chapters, attention will be given to the two de facto states, Turkish Republic of Northern and Nagorno-Karabakh Republic. In these chapters, the emphasis is also on the historical aspects, the political situation inside these entities, as well as in the whole region. Another goal of these chapters is also to analyse the case law of the European Court of Human Rights. In the case of Northern Cyprus will be analysed in particular the judgments of...

This study examines the media coverage of the humanitarian situation in Nagorno-Karabakh during a war in the region in 2020. Drawing on the theoretical framework of humanitarian journalism, it first looks at the attention given to the issue within the daily coverage of the war, then turns to explore patterns in the narration of the past events and present situation in feature stories. Two transnational and two regional news outlets are analysed (The Guardian and Al Jazeera, Sputnik and Hürriyet), which all address a global audience through English, but represent different journalistic traditions, are based in countries with diverse involvement in the conflict and proximity to its parties, and have received different amount of attention in the research of humanitarian journalism. The results suggest that the humanitarian crisis in the region received little attention in general within the daily coverage of the war. People of the region were cited rarely in the reports on their condition and were largely absent from the news photographs too. They were depicted in feature articles mostly through their experience of fighting, limiting the diverse contexts of their lives. Although geographical, political and cultural proximity is argued to have affected the reporting by regional outlets, similarities and differences across the two groups were observed too.