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Från de facto till de jure : En komparativ studie mellan tre post-sovjetiska territoriers väg mot diplomatiskt erkännande / From de facto to de jure : A comparative studie between three post-soviet territories path towards diplomatic recognitionFridén, Dennis January 2021 (has links)
Abstract – From de facto to de jure: A comparative study between three post-Soviet territories path towards diplomatic recognition The purpose of this essay has been to study how well three post-Soviet de facto states live up to the definition of the concepts of state and sovereignty. Basically, the focus has been to, with the help of an analysis scheme constructed specifically for this study, analyse the situation the three de facto states are currently in and then compare their situations to one another. With the study I want to show that the history of the de facto states, as well as their current legal status, carry with them differences and similarities that play a major role in their future. By analysing a number of scientific articles and other research material within the social science sphere, I have been able to compile a table that shows how well the case studies live up to the seven criteria of the state outlined by Martin Glassner in Political Geography (2004). The main result of the study has been that various historical and demographic circumstances in the three de facto states have distinguished them from one another during the more than three decades that have passed since the fall of the Soviet Union. However, this is in stark contrast to the strong ties they all have to a patron state, which in all cases is crucial to the legal state of limbo they are all currently residing in.
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Komparativní analýza neúspěšných strategií k získání mezinárodního uznání: Somaliland, Podněstří a Náhorní karabach / A Comparative Analysis of Failed Strategies to Achieve International Recognition: Somaliland, Transnistria and Nagorno-KarabakhLavoie, Samuel January 2020 (has links)
Author Samuel Lavoie Thesis Diplomacy and Diplomatic Institutions of Unrecognized De Facto States Somaliland, Transnistria and Artsakh (2020) Abstract As a topic, international recognition has been increasingly studied over the past twenty years, particularly since Kosovo's unilateral declaration of independence from Serbia in 2008. This thesis attempts to advance our understanding of the underlying causes of the inability to gain political recognition by examining several factors that have been omitted from the academic literature. Specifically, it examines several key aspects of the diplomatic institutions, personnel, and approaches of three unrecognized de facto states that meet most of the criteria for statehood under international law, but have so far received no recognition recognized states. These entities are Somaliland, Transnistria, and Artsakh. This paper also draws on partially recognized states and finds that geopolitical and ideological factors generally prevail over diplomatic ones as the main drivers of political recognition. This is especially true when an entity is located in an area of fierce rivalry for influence, such as the PMR and the Republic of Artsakh. However, while remaining a secondary factor, diplomacy becomes more important for international recognition when the interests of...
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Strategické přístupy k řešení arménsko-ázerbájdžánského konfliktu zúčastněnými státy a klíčovými vnějšími aktéry / Strategies of resolution of the Armenia-Azerbaijan Conflict by Participating States and Key Outside ActorsKuľková, Miroslava January 2016 (has links)
Master thesis "Strategy of Armenia-Azerbaijan conflict resolution by participating states and key external actors"deals with the conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, in the center of which lies the dispute about the Nagorno Karabakh. Using qualitative analysis of grand strategy of Armenia and Azerbaijan and grand strategies of key regional and external stakeholders it uncovers interests, objectives and postures of the players in their strategic environment. On the basis of comprehensive analysis of the grand strategies I assess their effectiveness in relation to fulfillment of the state's goals and also the role, which conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan plays in their strategy. In theoretical part I present short overview of the evolution of the concept of grand strategy and also operationalization of assessment of the strategies. In the second chapter I describe the historical background of south Caucasus, which is crucial for understanding of the conflictive nature of some interstate states in the region. In the third chapter I analyze grand strategies of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Iran, Turkey, Russia, USA and EU. In the last chapter I summarize the effectiveness and relevance of chosen strategies.
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Conflicting Frames: A Comparative Analysis of General and Diasporic Media Framing of Violent Conflict in the Diaspora's HomelandBlom, Maartje January 2024 (has links)
Despite extensive research into the effects of framing in media, much less is still known about how and why these frames constructed. The field of media framing has also neglected reporting on violent conflict, instead focusing on different types of non-violent conflict, especially in terms of frame analysis. This study aims to expand on framing theory by studying the framing of diaspora-specific media in reporting on violent homeland conflict, in comparison with general media in the diaspora’s country of residence. Despite arguments that diasporic media negatively impact integration, further polarisation or contribute to conflict recreation in the country of residence, there has been little research into the reporting by diasporic media. In this thesis, I argue that diasporic and general media will differ in their framing of violent conflict in the diaspora’s homeland because of two factors: (1) the expected levels of interest and knowledge among the medium’s target audience and (2) the knowledge and objectives of the journalists producing the reporting. Through in-depth analysis of a collection of articles of the New York Times and the Armenian Mirror-Spectator on the 2020 Nagorno-Karabakh War, I find that there are indeed considerable differences between the framing of the two news media. Diasporic media use more thematic framing in their reporting, whereas general media use more episodic framing in their reporting on the conflict. Furthermore, the framing by diasporic media aligns with central (conflict) narratives of the diaspora’s collective memory, whereas general media present a mix of different conflict perspectives. Finally, this analysis showcases some of the issues of applying concepts derived from the framing of non-violent contexts to violent conflict settings. These findings further the understanding of both the reporting of diasporic media, relative to the reporting by general media, and the knowledge on the types of framing used in reporting on violent conflict, and what drives the construction of such frames. This study also highlights the importance of the consideration of violent conflict in the study of framing, and the need for further research into framing of violent conflict.
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Recherche de modélisation du risque de diffusion des conflits ethniques : une application aux cas de l'Azerbaïdjan et de la MacédoineTranca, Oana 16 April 2018 (has links)
La dimension internationale des conflits ethniques a acquIs récemment une place importante dans la littérature traitant des causes et de l'évolution de ce type de différends. Si, toutefois, l'accent est mis sur l'intensification du conflit, sur sa radicalisation et sur son escalade, aucune théorie ne fournit un cadre théorique exhaustif des processus de diffusion des conflits ethniques. L'objectif de notre recherche est donc de combler ce vide théorique en proposant une perspective différente, qui analyse l 'effet que les conflits ethniques ont sur leur environnement externe, en étudiant notamment le potentiel de débordement du conflit de son foyer initial vers d'autres endroits. Dans un premier temps, nous · donc, allons construire, à partir de quelques hypothèses fondées sur des éléments empruntés à différentes théories des conflits ethniques et des processus de diffusion interétatiques, un indice mesurant le risque de diffusion d'un conflit ethnique dans la période d'après la guerre froide. Deuxièmement, cet indice, composé de plusieurs facteurs structurels propres au conflit, est le point de départ pour deux études de cas qui devraient nous offrir une perspective beaucoup plus détaillée et nuancée concernant le potentiel de diffusion des conflits ethniques.
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Evolution de la politique de l'Union Européenne en Azerbaïdjan : 1991-2014 / The European Union’s Foreign policy towards the Republic of Azerbaijan : 1991-2014Shabelnikova, Olga 26 December 2014 (has links)
Cette thèse consacrée aux études approfondies de la politique de l’Union européenne envers la République d’Azerbaïdjan (1991-2014). Son objectif est d’analyser l’évolution de la coopération entre l’UE et l’Azerbaïdjan, de mettre en évidence des facteurs internes ainsi qu’externes qui influencent la dynamique des relations bilatérales. Une attention particulière est accordée à l’étude des programmes de coopérations tels que la « Politique Européenne de Voisinage » et le « Partenariat Oriental », à la base des documents juridiques qui constituent la réglementation de leurs relations. / The PhD thesis considers the European Union’s policy towards the Republic of Azerbaijan (1991-2014). It studies the evolution of the EU - Azerbaijan relationship and the main factors that influence on its dynamics. Special attention is given to the main programs of the cooperation - the «European Neighborhood Policy» and the «Eastern Partnership». The main documents regulating the relations are reviewed.
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La politique étrangère de l'Azerbaïdjan entre grandes puissances et puissances régionales (1993-2003) / Azerbaijan's foreign policy between great powers and regional powersGasimova, Esmira 08 July 2015 (has links)
La présente étude est consacrée à la politique étrangère de l'Azerbaïdjan entre grandes puissances et puissances régionales. Ce pays du Caucase du Sud accédant à l'indépendance en 1991 affirme sa singularité, entre confrontation et coopération avec ses voisins proches ou lointains. La question centrale est donc de savoir comment l'Azerbaïdjan peut justifier et éventuellement renforcer sa présence sur l'échiquier international alors qu'il se trouve au cœur des grands enjeux géopolitiques et économiques. Sa position le place au centre des rivalités entre des puissances telles que la Russie, l'Iran et la Turquie et, au-delà de son voisinage immédiat les États-Unis et l'Union européenne. Le pays est contraint à une politique étrangère équilibrée afin de ne pas s'aliéner les partenaires de l'ouest comme de l'est. Il tente également de tirer profit de l'exploitation des hydrocarbures de la Caspienne en vue de résoudre la question cruciale du conflit du Haut-Karabakh. / This thesis deals with the Azerbaijan policy between great powers and regional powers. Since its independence in 1991 the country of South Caucasus asserted its singularity. It sometimes confronts, sometimes cooperates with its neighbors. The key question is, therefore, how Azerbaijan can justify and possibly strengthen its presence on the international stage as it stands at the heart of great geopolitical and economic issues. Because of its location it is the center of rivalries between powers such as Russia, Iran and Turkey or the United States and the European Union. The country is compelled to a balanced foreign policy not to lose the support of either western or eastern partners. Baku also attempts to use the exploitation of Caspian oil in order resolve the crucial issue of the conflict over Nagorno-Karabakh.
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Horizontal Inequalities in the Nagorno-Karabakh Conflict : Studying the Emergence of the Karabakh MovementSmbatyan, Hayk January 2022 (has links)
Ethnic contentions would barely arise at the drop of a hat. To understand the roots of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, known as one of the most intractable ethnopolitical conflicts in the South Caucasus region, it is crucial to trace back to the Karabakh movement, a civic uprising that mobilized ethnic Armenians around a struggle for independence. What advantages would self-determination allow, that would not be achievable elsewise? To address this puzzle, I conducted a qualitative single-case study, designed as a deductive process-tracing, aimed at answering the research question why does political mass mobilization emerge (when it can possibly not)? Building upon relevant literature suggesting that horizontal inequalities lead to civil war, this research tests the following hypothesis: Perceived horizontal inequalities between coexisting ethnic groups are what underlie the emergence and evolvement of political mass mobilization. The comparative analysis of 11 in-depth interviews with Karabakh movement participants from Stepanakert and Yerevan, combined with an extensive investigation of over 120 secondary materials, suggests that, as was observed in the case explored, relative deprivation fed by experienced horizontal inequalities is what underlies the emergence of mass political movements, demonstrating strong explanatory potential within the theory on horizontal inequality.
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Les difficultés d’application du droit international au conflit du Haut-Karabagh : effectivités et causes géopolitiquesDoix, Vincent A. 09 1900 (has links)
Conflit présenté comme gelé, la guerre du Haut-Karabagh n’en est pas moins réelle, s’inscrivant dans une géopolitique régionale complexe et passionnante, nécessitant de s’intéresser à l’histoire des peuples de la région, à l’histoire des conquêtes et politiques menées concomitamment. Comprendre les raisons de ce conflit situé aux limites de l’Europe et de l’Asie, comprendre les enjeux en cause, que se soit la problématique énergétique ou l’importance stratégique de la région du Caucase à la fois pour la Russie mais également pour les Etats-Unis ou l’Union Européenne ; autant de réflexions que soulève cette recherche. Au delà, c’est l’influence réciproque du droit international et du politique qui sera prise en compte, notamment concernant l’échec des négociations actuelles. Les difficultés d’application du droit international à ce conflit sui generis se situent à plusieurs niveaux ; sur le statut de la région principalement, mais également sur les mécanismes de sanctions et de réparations devant s’appliquer aux crimes sur les personnes et les biens et qui se heurtent à la classification difficile du conflit. / The Nagorno-Karabagh conflict, often described as frozen, reveals the certainty of a war encompassed in complex regional geopolitics. To understand this complexity, one must look closer to the history of peoples, of conquests and of ruling politics over this region. Not only are to be understood the energy issues, but also the strategic importance regarding the interests of Russia, the United States or the European Union. Here is the purpose of this research. Also, the relationship between international law and politics is of a particular importance, especially regarding the difficulties of the current negotiations. The difficulties in regard of the application of international law to this sui generis conflict are to be seen at different levels; concerning the statute of the province, as well as the mechanisms of sanctions and compensations that must be applied over crimes on people and goods, facing the issue of the definition of this conflict.
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