Submitted by Núcleo de Pós-Graduação Administração (npgadm@ufba.br) on 2017-08-03T18:06:02Z No. of bitstreams: 1 JOÃO TUDE.pdf: 4248346 bytes, checksum: bb8e11f1f2d373ba6bd6f0721074034c (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Angela Dortas (dortas@ufba.br) on 2017-08-08T00:19:58Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 JOÃO TUDE.pdf: 4248346 bytes, checksum: bb8e11f1f2d373ba6bd6f0721074034c (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-08T00:19:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JOÃO TUDE.pdf: 4248346 bytes, checksum: bb8e11f1f2d373ba6bd6f0721074034c (MD5) / Organizações intergovernamentais são importantes instituições internacionais que atuam na governança global. Os estudos sobre essas organizações se vinculam às mais diferentes disciplinas e tradições intelectuais. Entretanto, em que pese a diversidade desses estudos, constatou-se neles uma débil vínculo com o legado intelectual de Karl Polanyi, o que parece contraditório dada a sua importância para as Ciências Sociais, em geral, e a rica reflexão que a sua principal obra, A Grande Transformação, oferece sobre os fenômenos internacionais. Assim, do pressuposto de que o pensamento desse intelectual oferece novas perspectivas teóricas capazes de contribuir para a compreensão das organizações intergovernamentais e das próprias relações internacionais é que nasce o problema que norteia esta pesquisa, qual seja, quais as possíveis contribuições intelectuais e teóricas de Karl Polanyi para a compreensão do fenômeno das organizações intergovernamentais? Assim, esta pesquisa se insere nas áreas temáticas da Governança Global e das Organizações Internacionais e tem como tema as contribuições de Karl Polanyi para se pensar as organizações intergovernamentais. Este trabalho se justifica especialmente pela escassez de estudos que se baseiam em Polanyi para refletir sobre as organizações intergovernamentais, assim como pelo potencial analítico que esse intelectual parece oferecer a questão que aqui se coloca. Esta é uma pesquisa teórica, de natureza qualitativa e com fins exploratórios (já que foi buscado aprofundar o conhecimento sobre as relações entre Polanyi e os estudos das organizações intergovernamentais) e explicativos (na medida em que se buscou oferecer novas explicações sobre essas organizações a partir de Polanyi). O método de pesquisa foi sobretudo o bibliográfico. Assim, buscou-se realizar uma leitura crítica e meticulosa de um extenso material bibliográfico composto de livros, artigos, teses e dissertações. Visando a atingir o objetivo proposto nesta pesquisa, estruturou-se este trabalho em três capítulos. No primeiro capítulo apresenta-se o contexto mais amplo no qual se desenvolveram as organizações intergovernamentais, assim como se explora os ensinamentos de Karl Polanyi contidos em A Grande Transformação. O segundo capítulo tem por objetivo explorar e refletir sobre as principais abordagens e teorias das Relações Internacionais que, ainda que indiretamente, tratem das organizações intergovernamentais. Por fim, no terceiro capítulo buscou-se refletir sobre os possíveis subsídios teóricos que Polanyi pode oferecer ao campo de estudos das organizações intergovernamentais, assim como na compreensão do fenômeno dessas organizações. A pesquisa concluiu que, ao aproximar Polanyi das diferentes abordagens das Relações Internacionais que tratam das organizações intergovernamentais, é claro o seu potencial para jogar novas luzes sobre essas organizações e seu papel na ordem mundial. Nesse sentido, Polanyi desafia teorias estabelecidas, corrobora outras e complementa ainda outras. / Intergovernmental organizations are important international institutions that operate in global governance. Studies of these organizations are connected to highly distinct disciplines and intellectual traditions. Notwithstanding the diversity of these studies, however, their links to the intellectual legacy of Karl Polanyi are weak, which appears to be contradictory, given his importance for the Social Sciences in general and the rich reflections that his principal work, The Great Transformation, provides about international phenomena. Thus, the problem that guides this research is born out of the supposition that the thinking of this intellectual provides new theoretical positions capable of contributing new perspectives to our understanding of intergovernmental organizations. The research problem is thus: what are the possible intellectual and theoretical contributions of Karl Polanyi’s thinking to our understanding of the phenomena of intergovernmental organizations? The research therefore comes under the thematic areas of Global Governance and International Organizations and its theme is Karl Polanyi’s contributions to thinking about intergovernmental organizations. This work may be specifically justified by the lack of studies based on Polanyi aiming to reflect on intergovernmental organizations, as well as the analytical potential that this intellectual appears to provide to the question posited here. This is a theoretical, qualitative study for both exploratory (since it seeks to extend knowledge about the relationship between Polanyi and studies about intergovernmental organizations) and explanatory (in that is seeks to provide new explanations about such organizations based on Polanyi) purposes. The research method was principally bibliographic and sought to undertake a critical and meticulous reading of extensive bibliographical material including books, articles, theses and dissertations. In order to achieve the proposed objectives, the research is divided into three chapters. The first chapter presents the wider context in which intergovernmental organizations operate and explores the teachings of Karl Polanyi contained in The Great Transformation. The second chapter aims to explore and reflect on the main approaches and theories of International Relations that deal, however indirectly, with intergovernmental organizations. Finally, the third chapter seeks to reflect on the possible theoretical support that Polanyi may provide to our understanding of the phenomena of intergovernmental organizations. The research concludes that, when we address Polanyi through the different approaches of International Relations dealing with intergovernmental organizations, there is manifest potential to shed new light on such organizations. In this sense, Polanyi challenges certain established theories, corroborates some and complements others.

Karl Polanyi started his career as a doctor of law and practiced law for a while; but he did not become a legal scholar. As an economic historian, anthropologist, or sociologist, he was concerned with the relation of economy and society. But even though law is an important factor in mediating this relationship, Polanyi gave little attention to the law as such. As part of an endeavour to advance a "Polanyian" economic sociology of law, this article develops the "law of market Society" as an analytical category. For thi s purpose, three argumentative strategies are combined. First, the article draws on The Great Transformation to reconstruct the role of law in the processes of commodification and decommodification. Second, it turns to Marxist scholarship to explore the conceptual link between law and economics and to ponder to what extent law itself can become a commodity. Third, it links Polanyi's approach with American institutionalism, and Commons' work in particular, to show how the evolution of the "law of market Society" can also be understood as a collective enterprise which continuously evolves. It is argued that these perspectives complement each other and help to bring the law back in where it is missing.

Alternative food systems (AFSs) are so defined because they purport to challenge a value or ameliorate a negative impact of the dominant conventional food system (CFS). Short food supply chains (SFSCs) are a type of AFS whose alterity is defined by socially proximal economic exchanges that are embedded in and regulated by social relationships. This relational closeness is argued to have benefits with respect to economic, environmental, and social sustainability. However, it would be a mistake to assume that AFSs and CFSs are paradigmatically differentiated or that their structures engender particular outcomes. The first article traces a misguided attempt to find indicators of success for farms participating in short food supply chains. The effort was misguided, because in designing the original study there was an assumption that producers participating in these AFSs shared similar goals, values, and definitions of success. The true diversity of these variables was discovered through the analysis of eighteen semi-structured interviews with Burlington and Montpelier area farmers who participate in SFSCs. This diversity motivated an exploration of the origins, common applications, and recent academic skepticism regarding assumptions of the relationship between certain food systems structures and broader food systems outcomes. The second article undertakes to develop a framework for exploring the actual motivations of SFSCs farmers and challenging common AFS assumptions. A framework that differentiates motivations guided by formal and substantive rationality is used to code the aforementioned data. Common themes amongst the responses are discussed demonstrating that producer motivations for participating in AFSs can be diverse, contradictory, and subject to change.

Countries in southern Africa have been implementing economic liberalisation policies for over two decades, with the aim of reversing years of economic decline. This process of economic liberalisation has been largely been influenced by the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank policy prescription. While the developed world has been piling pressure on countries in the Sub-Saharan region to integrate their national economies into the global economic, different countries have responded differently in opening up their economies. For some, the new economic policy regime has entailed a shift from a state-run economy and focusing more on a free market economy. While some countries have taken a cautious approaching to economic liberalisation, Zambia went for rapid liberalisation, which has led to negative social consequences on employment and the livelihoods of the working class. Through the adoption and implementation of labour market flexibility policies, Zambia and other countries in the region have seen an upswing in new forms of employment such as casual labour, subcontracting and temporary employment, which have no protection and have exposed workers to exploitation. Employment levels have also dropped as the capitalist investors shed off massive numbers of workers in order to reduce labour costs. Local manufacturing industries, in most cases, have been forced to close down and lay-off workers due to unfair competition with cheap imported goods. Liberalisation in developing countries in general and southern Africa in particular, has entailed weakening the role of the state in national economic management. Governments are increasingly succumbing to the dictates of multinationals and are failing to enforce regulatory measures needed to protect the welfare of workers and their working conditions.

The proposal has been put forward that ecological economics seek to become substantive economics (Gerber and Scheidel 2018). This raises important issues about the content and direction of ecological economics. The division of economics into either substantive or formal derives from the work of Karl Polanyi. In developing his ideas Polanyi employed a definition from Menger and combined this with Tönnies theory of historical evolution. In this paper I explore why the resulting substantive vs. formal dichotomy is problematic. In particular the article exposes the way in which trying to impose this dichotomy on history of economic thought and epistemology leads to further false dichotomies. Besides Polanyi, the positions of other important thinkers informing social ecological economics (SEE) are discussed including Neurath, Kapp and Georgescu-Roegen. The aim is to clarify the future direction of ecological economics and the role, in that future, of ideas raised under the topic of substantive economics. / Series: SRE - Discussion Papers

A ideia do desenvolvimento por muito tempo esteve associada à expansão das formas capitalistas de produção e às suas consequências em termos do progresso técnico e de acumulação de riquezas. O debate contemporâneo, no entanto, resgata princípios e temas formulados por Karl Polanyi durante e após a segunda guerra mundial, evidenciando a atualidade e a importância da redescoberta de seu pensamento. Este estudo objetiva analisar o desenvolvimento municipal no Brasil a partir da concepção teórica de Karl Polanyi. Para tal, foi feita uma releitura dos princípios de coordenação social evidenciado por Polanyi (1947; 2012a; 2012b) de modo que os princípios passam a ser representados por três dimensões: Estado, mercado, solidariedade e economia familiar, que formam a abordagem multidimensional. Através da abordagem multidimensional foi estruturado o índice de desenvolvimento municipal polanyiano (IDMP), este tem duas finalidades distintas: a) permitir a visualização da organização econômica municipal brasileira, a partir da vertente plural da economia de inspiração teórica polanyiana e; b) verificar como que o índice de desenvolvimento humano municipal (IDHM) se manifesta nos municípios com fortes caraterísticas polanyianas, impressas através das dimensões que compõem a abordagem multidimensional. Os resultados encontrados mostram que: a) de acordo com os conceitos analisados, o desenvolvimento dos municípios brasileiros se mostra bem incipiente; b) e que existe uma relação direta e positiva entre IDMP e o IDHM. Os municípios que atingem as melhores faixas do IDMP apresentam também um IDHM mais fortalecido o que expõem que pluralidade econômica de certo modo influencia em características econômicas e sociais consideradas desejáveis e esperadas do processo de desenvolvimento. / For long, the idea of development had been linked to the expansion of the capitalist ways of production as well as their consequences as to the technical and riches accumulation progress. The contemporaneous debate, however, has rescued Karl Polanyi's principles and themes. This has been done both during and after the second world war, what has evidenced the update and how important the rediscovery of his thought is. This study aims to analyze the city development in Brazil from Karl Polanyi's theoretical conception. To do so, a rereading on the social coordination principles which were evidenced by Polanyi (1947; 2012a; 2012b) has been taken so that these principles become represented by four dimensions: State, market, sympathy and subsistence which form the multidimensional approach. Through the multidimensional approach, the polanyian city development index (PCDI) has been structured. This one has two outstanding aims: a) allowing the visualization on the brazilian city economical organization from the plural perspective on the economy which was inspired by the polanyian theory; b) verifying how the city human development index (CHDI) appears in cities where polanyian features are strong, expressed through the dimensions which form the multidimensional approach. The found results show that: a) according to the analyzed concepts, development in Brazilian cities are quite incipient; b) there is a direct and positive relation between PCDI and CHDI. The cities, where PCDI are better, also show a stronger CHDI, what reveals that economical plurality, somehow, influences social and economical features of the development progress which are wished and hoped.

This thesis is build up on the idea that state could be described as an institution of the economic process, which imbues it with certain degree of endurance and protects it from the instability and uncertainty of the free markets. If this idea could be proved,then the mainstream tendency to exclude state from the realm of economics and leave the governance of the economic process solely to self-regulating markets will appear to be a fallacy based on the myth of liberalism. Only after this could be achieved, state could get its proper place in the existing economic system and a solution may be found to the impasse into which societies have been dragged by the free market order that is defended jauntily by liberal economists.

<p>Dissertation in political science, D-level by Niklas Andersson, Spring Semester 2010. Tutor: Malin Stegmann McCallion</p><p>“Societies in Crisis – When Washington Take Over”</p><p>An economic meltdown wreaks havoc on the world and has plunged the Western world into a spiral of economic stimulus in order to keep their way of life intact. At the same time the same institutions that support these countries have had another agenda for more unfortunate and less influential countries where nothing has been free and everything been to a price of self-sacrifice in order to get the consent of the IMF and the World Bank. Everything according to the points stated in the so called Washington Consensus.</p><p>The purpose of this dissertation is to research what impact the Washington Consensus has on the state in terms of power over the market and sovereignty. This shall be done by examining the points of the Consensus and then delve into the IMF and World Bank’s own program in four countries, Argentina, Russia, Kenya and the Republic of Korea. The findings shall then be compared to the Andersson Contract, a social contract theory summary showcasing the ideal liberal state, to determine if the Consensus gives enough room for the state to act against the market. This shall also be backed up with theories on economics from Adam Smith and Karl Polanyi in order to strengthen the comparison on the economic issues.</p><p>The research question thus for the dissertation are:</p><p>Which institutions and features does the Washington Consensus highlight as necessary for a state? Is the state they proposes to weak to uphold society according to the social contracts?</p><p>According to the research there are parts of the Washington Consensus that fits the social contract and should therefore in theory be able to maintain a level of social dignity and be able to take part in the positive effects of the market. Other parts on the other hand show that some crucial institutions lack certain strength in order to be able to keep the free market in check, but they still exist. Therefore the answer to the question is that it’s ambiguous as all the necessary institutions exist, but some of them need to be strengthened in order to make sure the market remains free as well as the countries should be able to choose their own way to economic welfare.<strong> </strong></p> / <p>Statsvetenskaplig uppsats, D-nivå av Niklas Andersson, Vårterminen 2010, Handledare Malin Stegmann McCallion</p><p>"Samhällen i Kris - När Washington Tar Över"</p><p>En ekonomisk härdsmälta skapar kaos runt om i världen och har kastat ner västvärlden i en spiral av ekonomiska stimulanser för att hålla deras livsstil flytande. Santidigt som detta sker har samma institutioner vilka gett första hjälpen till dessa länder har de haft en annan agenda för mer otursamma och mindre inflytelserika länder där ingenting har varit gratis och allt varit till priset av självuppoffring för att få IMF och Världsbankens samtycke. Allt utifrån punkterna fastlagda av Washington-konsensusen.</p><p>Syftet med uppsatsen är att undersöka vilken inverkan Washington-konsensusen har på staten i betydelsen makt över marknaden och suveränitet. Detta skall genomföras genom att undersöka punkterna i konsensusen och sen dyka ner i IMF och Världsbanknens egna program i fyra länder, Argentina, Ryssland, Kenya och Sydkorea. Det jag finner ska sedan jämföras med Andeersson-kontraktet, en kontraktsteori sammanfattning av den ideala liberala staten, för att utröna om konsensusen ger tillräckligt utrymmer för staten att agera mot marknaden. Detta ska också stödjas med teorier om ekonomi av Adam Smith och Karl Polanyi för att styrka jämförelsen på de ekonomiska delarna.</p><p>Frågeställningarna för uppsatsen är då följande:</p><p>Vilka institutioner och funktioner uppmärksammar Washongton-konsensusen som nödvändiga för staten? Är staten de framhäver för svag för att upprätthålla samhället enligt kontraktteorierna?</p><p>Enligt forskningen är det ett par delar av Washington-konsensusen som passar in i kontraktsteorin och borde därför i teorin möjliggöra en viss nivå av social värdighet och hantering av effekterna utav marknaden. Andra delar däremot visar att några viktiga institutioner saknar tillräckligt med styrka för att fullt ut kunna hålla marknaden i schack, men de existerar fortfarande. Därför är svaret till frågorna att det är tvetydigt eftersom alla g´rundelement finns där, men några av dem behöver förstärkas för att försäkra att marknaderna förblir fria samtidigt som länderna själva väljer deras  väg till ekonomiskt välstånd.</p>

Setting out from the works of Max Weber and Karl Polanyi, this chapter outlines a sociology of economic constitutionalism. The starting point is a functional definition of economic constitution as the law constituting the market order, no matter if it is public or private, national or international, official or informal law. Economic constitutionalism is understood as a system of thought, which emphasises the role of a liberal economic constitution in integrating the global economy. Adapting Weber's ideal-typical method, the economic constitution is conceived as a constitutional ideal type, next to juridical constitution, political constitution, social constitution, and security constitution. Sociologically speaking, these ideal types capture different constitutional rationalities, which are all culturally significant but not equally successful in the global age. Drawing on Polanyi's work, which exposes the self-regulating market as an artefact of economic thinking, the argument proceeds by highlighting the constitutive role of economics in constructing the law of the globalised market society. After economic law came to be embedded in national welfare states in the twentieth century, economic constitutionalism furthers the opening up of national laws and economies. In contrast to the rule of law, the rule of the market is inherently transnational in character.

Climate change mitigation necessitates substantial alterations to patterns of worldwide economic activity, be that reduction in demand, switches to new technology or 'end-of-pipe' abatement of greenhouse gases. There are profound political, economic and ethical questions surrounding the governance of the means, rate and location of change. Within advanced capitalist economies and internationally through the auspices of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change emissions trading systems have been introduced as part of the broader neoliberal attempts to 'correct market failure' through the definition of new property rights.This thesis investigates the development, constitution and consequences of institutions for the production, exchange and consumption of credits for emissions reductions. Such credits are financial instruments awarded to organisations for putative reductions in emissions from 'business as usual'. In consumption, credits are equated with a quantity of emissions released elsewhere. The 'Instituted Economic Process' framework (Randles and Harvey, 2002) is used to distinguish the various classes of agent involved in these exchanges and identify the economic and non-economic relationships that constitute these institutions. Inspired by the economic anthropology of Karl Polanyi, this approach asks how economic activity is organised and stabilised within society without presuming that there are universal economic laws of 'the market', that there are essential properties of commodities and agents, or that all economic transfers are conducted within markets.I argue that crediting is a socially contingent process of commodification of atmospheric pollution which is both ontologically and normatively problematic. Extant institutions are shown to be precarious by appealing to neutral techno-scientific justifications but remaining reliant on subjective judgement. However, they are sufficiently consistent and credible that they persist and expand. These findings are of interest to the academic communities of political economy and environmental and economic geography, climate change policy makers and the environmental movement more broadly.