Nessa dissertação, realizou-se um estudo sobre a história organizativa e política do Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), de 1922 a 1935. Durante o período analisado, o Partido passou por duas mudanças no conjunto tático adotado. No entanto, passou por quatro linhas estratégicas diferentes. De 1922 a 1929, adotou um conjunto tático de estilo subcultural. Buscou se tornar o representante máximo do proletariado e das massas trabalhadoras, adotando formas de lutas pacíficas. De 1930 a 1934, o PCB passou por um período de luta interna acirrado, abandonando o estilo subcultural. Ao final de 1934 e até o início de 1936, foi adotado pela organização o estilo da luta direta pelo poder. No entanto, de 1922 a 1925, o PCB teve como linha estratégica a autoconstrução como ferramenta de luta. Era mais importante organizar o Partido do que combater um inimigo específico. De 1926 a 1929, foi adotada a linha estratégica de Frente Única, mas negando-se a realização de coalisões. De 1930 a 1933, foi adotada a linha denominada classe contra classe, que negava a possibilidade de qualquer aliança com a pequena burguesia radicalizada. De 1934 a 1935, foi adotada a linha da Frente Popular, que significou a atuação através da Aliança Nacional Libertadora (ANL). Durante os treze anos que vão de 1922 a 1935, houve debilidade na capacidade organizativa. Os membros do partido eram frequentemente presos e as direções nacionais sempre tiveram dificuldades em manter contatos com as direções regionais e essas com os órgãos de base. Na prática, tratou-se de uma organização que não possuía quadros revolucionários formados. A ausência de quadros é o que explica a incapacidade de formular táticas eficazes. E mesmo as táticas formuladas eram, em geral, mal aplicadas, como observavam os próprios militantes à época. / In this dissertation, it was carried out a study on the organizational and political history of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), 1922-1935. During the analyzed period, the Party went through two tactical changes. However, it went through four different strategic lines. From 1922 to 1929, it adopted the subcultural tactical style. It sought to become the highest representative of the proletariat and the working masses, adopting forms of peaceful struggle. From 1930 to 1934, the PCB has gone through a period of internal fighting, abandoning the subcultural style. At the end of 1934 and by early 1936, it adopted the style of direct struggle. However, from 1922 to 1925, the PCB had as a strategic line the self-construction. It was more important to organize the party then to fight a specific enemy. From 1926 to 1929, it adopted the strategic line of the United Front, but denying the realization of coalitions. From 1930 to 1933, it adopted the line \"class against class\", which denied the possibility of any alliance with the radicalized small bourgeoisie. From 1934 to 1935, it adopted the line of the Popular Front, which meant acting through the Aliança Nacional Libertadora (ANL). During the thirteen years from 1922 to 1935, there were problems at its leaderships have always had difficulty maintaining contact with regional leaderships and militants. In practice, it was an organization that had no revolutionary cadres formed. The absence of revolutionary cadres is what explains the inability to build effective tactics. And even if the tactics were formulated, it was generally misapplied.

Nessa dissertação, realizou-se um estudo sobre a história organizativa e política do Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB), de 1922 a 1935. Durante o período analisado, o Partido passou por duas mudanças no conjunto tático adotado. No entanto, passou por quatro linhas estratégicas diferentes. De 1922 a 1929, adotou um conjunto tático de estilo subcultural. Buscou se tornar o representante máximo do proletariado e das massas trabalhadoras, adotando formas de lutas pacíficas. De 1930 a 1934, o PCB passou por um período de luta interna acirrado, abandonando o estilo subcultural. Ao final de 1934 e até o início de 1936, foi adotado pela organização o estilo da luta direta pelo poder. No entanto, de 1922 a 1925, o PCB teve como linha estratégica a autoconstrução como ferramenta de luta. Era mais importante organizar o Partido do que combater um inimigo específico. De 1926 a 1929, foi adotada a linha estratégica de Frente Única, mas negando-se a realização de coalisões. De 1930 a 1933, foi adotada a linha denominada classe contra classe, que negava a possibilidade de qualquer aliança com a pequena burguesia radicalizada. De 1934 a 1935, foi adotada a linha da Frente Popular, que significou a atuação através da Aliança Nacional Libertadora (ANL). Durante os treze anos que vão de 1922 a 1935, houve debilidade na capacidade organizativa. Os membros do partido eram frequentemente presos e as direções nacionais sempre tiveram dificuldades em manter contatos com as direções regionais e essas com os órgãos de base. Na prática, tratou-se de uma organização que não possuía quadros revolucionários formados. A ausência de quadros é o que explica a incapacidade de formular táticas eficazes. E mesmo as táticas formuladas eram, em geral, mal aplicadas, como observavam os próprios militantes à época. / In this dissertation, it was carried out a study on the organizational and political history of the Brazilian Communist Party (PCB), 1922-1935. During the analyzed period, the Party went through two tactical changes. However, it went through four different strategic lines. From 1922 to 1929, it adopted the subcultural tactical style. It sought to become the highest representative of the proletariat and the working masses, adopting forms of peaceful struggle. From 1930 to 1934, the PCB has gone through a period of internal fighting, abandoning the subcultural style. At the end of 1934 and by early 1936, it adopted the style of direct struggle. However, from 1922 to 1925, the PCB had as a strategic line the self-construction. It was more important to organize the party then to fight a specific enemy. From 1926 to 1929, it adopted the strategic line of the United Front, but denying the realization of coalitions. From 1930 to 1933, it adopted the line \"class against class\", which denied the possibility of any alliance with the radicalized small bourgeoisie. From 1934 to 1935, it adopted the line of the Popular Front, which meant acting through the Aliança Nacional Libertadora (ANL). During the thirteen years from 1922 to 1935, there were problems at its leaderships have always had difficulty maintaining contact with regional leaderships and militants. In practice, it was an organization that had no revolutionary cadres formed. The absence of revolutionary cadres is what explains the inability to build effective tactics. And even if the tactics were formulated, it was generally misapplied.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-04-22T22:18:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luciano Everton Costa Teles.pdf: 3423648 bytes, checksum: 68a970f0c0fff0d652532c0b2d6443b7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-10-10 / Still walking in the sense of to contribute for the process of renewal regional historiográfica and to lessen the field little explored of the Labor History in Amazon to present researches search to understand the universe of the work and, especially, the dimensions of the speech, organization and fight worker in Manaus, in the beginning of the decade of 1920, filtered by the pages of the newspaper Labor Life, one of the most important labor newspapers appeared in Amazon. It is also tried to discuss the own Imprensa Operária, as one of the most important manifestations of the culture of the working classes, inquiring concerning the paper carried out by the newspaper Labor Life inside the journalism amazonense, expressing his/her line editorial and the characteristics that single out him/it inside that press, besides identifying the dimensions (size, composition, characteristics) of the universe of the work and of the urban workers from Manaus, still mapping the demands and accusations concerning the life conditions and work and observing the performance of the newspaper mentioned in the organization processes, understanding and fight worker, punctuating the organizational dilemmas, the internal disputes, you influence them of theoretical currents inside the political movement of the workers amazonenses / Caminhando no sentido de contribuir para o processo de renovação historiográfica regional e minorar o campo ainda pouco explorado da História Operária no Amazonas, a presente dissertação buscou compreender o universo do trabalho e, em especial, as dimensões da fala, organização e luta operária em Manaus, no início da década de 1920, filtradas pelas páginas do Vida Operária, um dos mais importantes jornais operários surgidos no Amazonas. Procura-se também discutir a própria Imprensa Operária, como uma das mais importantes manifestações da cultura das classes trabalhadoras, inquirindo acerca do papel desempenhado pelo jornal Vida Operária no interior do periodismo amazonense, externando sua linha editorial e as características que o singularizam no interior daquela imprensa, além de identificar as dimensões (tamanho, composição, características) do universo do trabalho e dos trabalhadores urbanos de Manaus, mapeando ainda as demandas e denúncias acerca das condições de vida e trabalho e observando a atuação do jornal mencionado nos processos de organização, conscientização e luta operária, pontuando os dilemas organizacionais, as disputas internas e as influenciais das diversas correntes teóricas no interior do movimento político dos trabalhadores amazonenses

On March 23 - 26, 1898, Populists, Democrats, and Silver Republicans of Oregon held their state conventions in Portland and agreed upon a common platform and a common state ticket for the elections of June 6, 1898. None of the available works on Oregon history explains that this fusion was the culmination of a two-year effort to unite the reform forces the state. This thesis tries to fill the gap. Because of the lack of secondary works on the subject, the thesis is based mainly on two sources: newspapers on microfilm, especially The Oregonian; and the unpublished correspondence of party chairman Cooper (January, 1897 - February, 1898, in the Oregon Historical Society). It will be seen that the party was at first a local party, dealing especially with economic problems, and then broadened its scope to embrace Populist principles. The first chapter deals with the national background. It briefly reviews the currency legislation since 1834 and the economic situation, especially of farmers, in the wake of the panic of 1893. The National Silver Party is discussed, because the Union Bimetallic Party of Oregon may have been intended as a state branch of this national organization. The terms "free coinage of silver" and "bimetallism" are explained, and the demand for direct legislation, arising in the early 1890's, is alluded to with special reference to Oregon. In the second chapter the origin of the Union Bimetallic Party is traced to splits over the money question within the Republican Party of Yamhill County. After the new party had scored a complete victory in the county elections, it was expanded into other counties; the first state convention was held on July 9, 1896. The presidential election of November, 1896, and the ''hold-up''-legislature of 1897 are dealt with as far as members of the Union Bimetallic Party were involved. After months of inactivity the party was revitalized in the spring of 1897 and further expanded in the following months. Emphasis is laid upon the internal debate over union or fusion, e.g., whether the old party organizations should .be dissolved or maintained. This question was decided in January, 1898, in favor of the latter solution and the Union Bimetallic Party was thus reduced to a coordinating body and practically became superfluous. The fifth chapter deals with several forces which were detrimental to the Union cause: the return of prosperity since the spring of 1897; the chronic lack of funds; the rumors about alleged secret deals with Mitchell Republicans and Pennoyer Democrats; and the resistance of Mid-road Populists. The proceedings of the state conventions of 1898 are described. As far as the campaign is concerned, only the impact of the war with Spain is alluded to. On June 6, 1898, the Union forces suffered a severe defeat; some reasons for this defeat are given.

The principal purpose of this study was to discover what tangible evidence remains of the Civilian Conservation Corps construction projects undertaken on the National Forest System lands in the Pacific Northwest Region: to identify, locate, describe and evaluate these historic cultural resources and to ascribe some significance to them. It should be noted that all references to National Forests and to Ranger Districts are to current administrative jurisdictions, unless otherwise specified, for reasons of convenience.

Hispanic Migrant Labor in Oregon, 1940-1990, describes the history and conditions of Hispanic farmworkers migrating from the southwestern United States, Mexico, and Latin America after the 1940s. This paper uncovers the history and contribution of a people easily forgotten, but essential to the well-being of the economy and the cultural diversity o f Oregon. Though much has been lost in the comings and the goings o f these people, bits and pieces have been recovered from old newspaper clippings, occasional documents recording the concerns and responses of the federal and state governments, rare articles tucked away in little known periodicals, and interviews.

Beginning in March of 1920, the Galveston coastwise longshoremen’s strike against the Morgan-Southern Pacific and Mallory steamship lines was a pivotal moment in the history of organized labor in Texas. Local and statewide business interests proved their willingness to use the state apparatus by calling on Governor William P. Hobby and the Texas National Guard to open the Port of Galveston. Despite this, the striking dockworkers maintained the moral support of many local citizens from a variety of social classes, including small merchants and officials of the Galveston municipal government. By February of 1921, however, the segregated locals representing the striking longshoremen had fallen victim to the divisive racial tactics of the shipping companies, who implemented the open-shop policy of non-discrimination in hiring on their docks. Further demonstrating the capital-state alliance, the Texas legislature passed Governor Hobby’s notorious Open Port Law in October 1920, making it virtually illegal for dockworkers and others to engage in strikes deemed harmful to commerce. This legislation and the nearly yearlong strike not only destroyed the coastwise longshore unions in Galveston, but ushered in a decade of repression from which Texas’s organized labor movement did not recover for many years.

Beginning in March of 1920, the Galveston coastwise longshoremen’s strike against the Morgan-Southern Pacific and Mallory steamship lines was a pivotal moment in the history of organized labor in Texas. Local and statewide business interests proved their willingness to use the state apparatus by calling on Governor William P. Hobby and the Texas National Guard to open the Port of Galveston. Despite this, the striking dockworkers maintained the moral support of many local citizens from a variety of social classes, including small merchants and officials of the Galveston municipal government. By February of 1921, however, the segregated locals representing the striking longshoremen had fallen victim to the divisive racial tactics of the shipping companies, who implemented the open-shop policy of non-discrimination in hiring on their docks. Further demonstrating the capital-state alliance, the Texas legislature passed Governor Hobby’s notorious Open Port Law in October 1920, making it virtually illegal for dockworkers and others to engage in strikes deemed harmful to commerce. This legislation and the nearly yearlong strike not only destroyed the coastwise longshore unions in Galveston, but ushered in a decade of repression from which Texas’s organized labor movement did not recover for many years.

<p>This dissertation examines the rise of the country’s largest beef processor, IBP, Inc., during the late-twentieth century and its effect on laborers, farmers, business, and the communities in which it operated. Though scholars have cited IBP’s technological advances as the reason for the company’s success, I argue that IBP’s unique public relations approach that manufactured the consent of local communities to pay comparatively low wages, provide tax breaks, and in the instance of cattle producers defend IBP’s right to “free enterprise,” provided it with a competitive advantage. From 1960 through the 1980s, the meatpacking industry endured a revolution stemming from IBP’s ability to maintain enough community consent to gain large market shares and draw down substantial profits.</p> <p>Yet gaining and keeping consent was not easy, nor was it linear. At one point or another all of these entities opposed IBP on a myriad of fronts, but their early cooperation aided in creating a corporate juggernaut that often limited their economic or political power. For IBP’s part, the company’s founders and subsequent executive managers fostered a masculine, individualistic sense of corporate capitalism, which I refer to as cowboy capitalism. Executives painted themselves as farm boys and cowboys, as renegades who were bringing hard work and plain talk to the inefficient meatpacking industry. This conservative, bootstrap mentality played well in the Siouxland region of the Northern Great Plains, where IBP began. Just as corporate success is aided by community consent, rescinding consent creates challenges for the company that can temporarily cause a decline, or at the very least roadblock to company growth. Though founders, managers, and key innovators gain critical and laudatory attention for their role in growing American capitalism; extended community support in terms of governmental and non-governmental actors rarely have been the focus of a corporate study. It is community consent, both active and latent, governmental and non-governmental, that supported the cowboy capitalism IBP deployed to start a revolution.</p>

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