Proefschrift--Nijmegen--Katholieke universiteit, 1996. / Résumé en néerlandais. Bibliogr. p. 308-330.

Das Projekt 2k17 widmet sich mit dieser Ausstellung dem lateinamerikanischen Kulturraum. Dabei werden historische Fakten, gesellschaftliche Besonderheiten oder politische Ereignisse fokussiert, befragt und in eine künstlerische Äußerung übersetzt. An die Seite der gezeigten Kunstwerken treten Begleittexte von Kunsthistoriker*innen, die sich auf die einzelnen Positionen und deren Verortung im Ausstellungskontext beziehen. Dieser Katalog erscheint anlässlich der Ausstellung „Mein Sehen bleibt physisch folgenlos“ des Projektes 2k17, vom 11. März bis zum 5. April 2019 in der ALTANA-Galerie Dresden.:Danksagung 3 Vorwort von Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Ullrich 4 Lateinamerika - von Dresden aus Gedacht Vorwort von Prof. Dr. Christoph Mayer 5 Karin Armbruster Text: Lucie Klysch 8 Gyde Becker Text: Maxi Elisabeth Wollner 12 Eric Beier Text: Luise von Nobbe 16 Anne Cathrin Brenner Text Maren Marzilger 20 Ursula Buchart Text: Maren Marzilger 24 Friederike Butter Text: Lucie Klysch 28 Teresa Ellinger Text: Jenny Mehlhorn 32 Käthe Elter Text: Nina Fischäss 36 Nadine Glas Text: Mirjam Glas 40 Viktoria Kurnicki Text: Luise von Nobbe 44 Marco Leitermann Text: Laura Gerstmann 48 Mona Pourebrahim Text: Laura Gerstmann 52 Felina Wießmann Text: Laura Gerstmann 56 Hamid Yaraghchi Text: Maxi Elisabeth Wollner 60 Sami Ajouri Text: Jenny Mehlhorn 64 Kurzbiographien der Teilnehmer*innen 68 Impressum 80

Recent political conflicts have highlighted the influence of religious actors and organisations in the public spheres of Latin American countries. The Pentecostal Evangelical movement in Colombia was crucial to the success of the ‘No’ campaign in the 2016 plebiscite, in which citizens rejected the peace agreement between the government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). In Brazil, evangelical congregations played a central role during the 2016 impeachment of President Dilma Rousseff, and in the subsequent rise of Jair Bolsonaro. In Bolivia, evangelical leaders and conservative elements of the Catholic Church alike supported the 2019 coup against Evo Morales. In Mexico, the 2018 rise of left-wing President Andrés Manuel López Obrador has been accompanied by criticism of his proximity to religious actors, and his moralising political rhetoric. Some authors have even described the Mexican leader as a politician with messianic overtones. Against this background, it is worth asking what the implications of the recent convergence between politics and religion in Latin America are. To answer this question, we must avoid the oversimplification of suggesting a singular process of religious advance in Latin American societies. It is important to instead highlight the complex interaction of: 1) the process of secularisation (involving both secularism and secularity) in the region, 2) the trend towards pluralisation of the religious field, 3) the concurrence of counter-secular expressions in the public space, 4) and the occurrence of conflict in the political arena. Although secularisation in Latin America historically emerged as a process of distinction of the political sphere, I argue here that it is currently expressed as a democratic ideal through the process of the dispersal in society of certain secular notions favouring state autonomy, especially in those countries that maintain the secularism legally established in the nineteenth century. My approach raises the question of how the boundaries between religion and the state in Mexico have been defined historically, and what the current status of this differentiation is. I also advance the analytical notion of sacred secularism, as a principle and expectation in the public space.

Der Augsburger Soziologe Hans-Jürgen Frieß analysiert sowohl aus politologischer als auch soziologischer Sicht das politische Regime Kubas. Im Fokus steht die Frage der politischen Stabilität. Der Autor diskutiert die politischen, historischen und wirtschaftlichen Rahmenbedingungen der Macht Fidel Castros. Der zeitliche Schwerpunkt der Analyse liegt in den Jahren von 1990 bis 2006, wobei auch vorherige Entwicklungen beleuchtet werden. Das Buch basiert auf einer Dissertation, die 2008 an der Universität Augsburg erfolgreich verteidigt wurde.

Community forestry has become a prominent policy instrument over the past decades as a response to deforestation pressures and rural poverty. Its political implementation involves a complex process with a profound structural change - away from state-based forestry to locally based decision-making authority. The research analyzes the internal development among policy actors in order to understand how community forestry can emerge in a regional policy system. It explores three different case studies with distinct policy processes towards community forestry: an international development project (Ecuador: Esmeraldas), a grassroot environmental movement (Canada: British Columbia), and an institutional restructuring process (Mexico: Quintana Roo). The theoretical approach is based on the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). The ACF views policy change as a result of competing advocacy coalitions which act according to their policy beliefs. Policy change can be affected by internal changes (policy learning and changes of beliefs) or by external perturbations which affect the power constellation between the coalitions. Each policy process is analyzed over more than a decade, based on empirical data from semi-structured interviews with key actors and complemented by literature. The major actors and coalitions are identified, as well as their learning and changes of beliefs over time to understand their influence on the policy process. In summary, the research found that policy learning has a high importance for the internal development of community forestry policy, while often hidden behind the strong presence of an external perturbation. Although not as a singular force, policy learning has been shown to have a very potent role in enhancing, or sustaining, policy changes. Policy learning can have a stabilizing effect against adverse events, once the implementation process has started (Mexico). Policy learning can even generate the major momentum of change that unfolds when released by an external catalyst event (Canada). It can also, however, have a very limited influence, if not form an internal challenge to the implementation (Ecuador). It has been found that a change of policy beliefs is not a requirement for policy change in the early stages of community forestry, and cannot be indicated by visible changes in the policy network or local forestry arrangements. These might concern other adjustments of the actors to the changes, which do not reflect their substantial policy beliefs. The changes of policy beliefs in the three case studies show some similar patterns in the way the Community Forestry Coalition developed their policy goals over time, as well as in the way the State Forestry Coalition adjusted strategically to the new impact of the CFC on the network. The research discusses three distinct strategic approaches of the coalitions and their varying success.

NY, Columbia Univ., Graduate School of Arts and Sciences, Diss.--New York, 2004. / Kopie, ersch. im Verl. UMI, Ann Arbor, Mich. - Enth. 3 Beitr.

Zugl.: München, Universiẗat, Diss., 2007.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Münster (Westfalen), 2005. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 223-259).

Community forestry has become a prominent policy instrument over the past decades as a response to deforestation pressures and rural poverty. Its political implementation involves a complex process with a profound structural change - away from state-based forestry to locally based decision-making authority. The research analyzes the internal development among policy actors in order to understand how community forestry can emerge in a regional policy system. It explores three different case studies with distinct policy processes towards community forestry: an international development project (Ecuador: Esmeraldas), a grassroot environmental movement (Canada: British Columbia), and an institutional restructuring process (Mexico: Quintana Roo). The theoretical approach is based on the Advocacy Coalition Framework (ACF). The ACF views policy change as a result of competing advocacy coalitions which act according to their policy beliefs. Policy change can be affected by internal changes (policy learning and changes of beliefs) or by external perturbations which affect the power constellation between the coalitions. Each policy process is analyzed over more than a decade, based on empirical data from semi-structured interviews with key actors and complemented by literature. The major actors and coalitions are identified, as well as their learning and changes of beliefs over time to understand their influence on the policy process. In summary, the research found that policy learning has a high importance for the internal development of community forestry policy, while often hidden behind the strong presence of an external perturbation. Although not as a singular force, policy learning has been shown to have a very potent role in enhancing, or sustaining, policy changes. Policy learning can have a stabilizing effect against adverse events, once the implementation process has started (Mexico). Policy learning can even generate the major momentum of change that unfolds when released by an external catalyst event (Canada). It can also, however, have a very limited influence, if not form an internal challenge to the implementation (Ecuador). It has been found that a change of policy beliefs is not a requirement for policy change in the early stages of community forestry, and cannot be indicated by visible changes in the policy network or local forestry arrangements. These might concern other adjustments of the actors to the changes, which do not reflect their substantial policy beliefs. The changes of policy beliefs in the three case studies show some similar patterns in the way the Community Forestry Coalition developed their policy goals over time, as well as in the way the State Forestry Coalition adjusted strategically to the new impact of the CFC on the network. The research discusses three distinct strategic approaches of the coalitions and their varying success.

Much has been written in the past few decades about populism that most scholars approaching the subject feel obliged to begin by justifying their writing of yet another text. In this paper, the situation is somewhat different: whilst our analytical gaze is cast upon populism (and fascism, as a precursor or closely related social phenomenon), this is only indirectly the case. Our primary focus is, instead, on the relationship that populism has with religion and secularity. Or, more precisely, the relationships of diverse populisms with different religiosities and various secularities. While the religious and the secular are mentioned in numerous studies about populism, these topics have rarely been adequately elaborated. Even when they are discussed, they are treated only in a marginal way. The purpose of this work is, therefore, to highlight the complex and multi-faceted way that populisms in Europe and Latin America have related to religion and religiosity. A second, parallel objective of this work is to reflect on the particular relationships populism establishes with different understandings of the secular, specifically within the political sphere, i.e. ‘political secularity.’ Following the differentiation paradigm, another term one might see used for this is ‘laicity’ (laïcité in French, laicidad in Spanish). I understand this to refer specifically to the secularisation of the state and the areas of society which come under its control.