Carbon-based forestry (CBF) projects for the carbon market have been proposed with the aim of mitigating climate change, enhancing forest cover and improving livelihoods in developing countries. Debate has ensued regarding the validity of applying market-based mechanisms to climate mitigation in the form of CBF activities. Through in-depth interviews and focus groups, this study explores the various stakeholders’ involvement in the development of CBF projects in the Peruvian Amazon and reveals how their interests influence the types of activities that are established. Farmers’ perceptions on the carbon trade are examined and it is demonstrated that the potential of earning a carbon credit may influence farmers’ current land management practices in favor for implementing reforestation or agroforestry systems on their terrain. Regardless, the number of obstacles and the preferences of stakeholders significantly limit the ability of small-scale farmers to access and benefit from the emerging market.

Why has the United States frequently intervened in the affairs of Latin American governments? How have the motivations changed over time, and how have they stayed the same? Are American Presidents more motivated by economic or political threats to hegemony? What methods has the United States used to maintain its dominance over the Western Hemisphere, and how have they changed? This paper seeks to address all of these questions, using a full historical examination as well as the case study of Salvador Allende's Chile. Drawing upon numerous scholars' work as well as individual research and investigation, this paper seeks to prove the following hypotheses: Since the creation of the Monroe Doctrine, which marked America’s entry into regional foreign affairs as a major player, the United States has acted upon a self-created moral imperative and entitlement to dominate the Americas. The motivation behind the indispensable maintenance of hegemony is as much symbolic as concrete. Many factors such as the threat of communism or European influence have been used as justification for American meddling. In fact, the main motivations are economic control of the hemisphere and the perception of American ideological supremacy among Latin American people (most importantly political leaders), not the spread of democracy or the promotion of human rights. Earlier in the United States' history, military intervention was more commonly used to achieve the aforementioned goals. With the onset of the Cold War, covert operations, equally potent, became increasingly prevalent. The following chapters present a story of the United States constantly positioning itself to be in the sole position of dominance (economic, political, and ideological) in the region of the Americas.

La influencia española y latinoamericana es muy evidente en el NBA. Hay muchos jugadores de América Latina y España que cambiaron la liga. El éxito de jugadores de América Latina y España ha aumentado el número de aficionados latinos y españoles en todo el mundo, y por eso el NBA está cambiando de una perspectiva de mercadeo y de negocios para globalizar la liga.

Reliable access to potable water is one of the most important building blocks for developing countries. Clean drinking water not only helps people break free of the cycle of poverty, but fulfilling basic health needs allows communities to address long-term development goals and improve their quality of life. Although the Millennium Development Goals aimed to halve the number of households lacking access to clean drinking water by 2015, many countries around the world still struggle to improve water coverage to their poorest citizens. Latin America is no exception, and despite being one of the most water-rich regions in the world, over 50 million people still lack access to reliable potable water. In a case study of Mexico City, this paper analyzes the trends of decentralization, privatization, and water management reform characteristic of Latin America, as well as their effects on universal water coverage. The analysis reveals that not only is privatization not a prerequisite characteristic of successful water resource management, but that local governments may be equally successful at expanding their water networks through the implementation of tariff reform, output-based aid, and increased public participation.

This paper investigates how Latin America and its cultures are represented in textbooks on Spanish as a foreign language. The study aims at investigating how much attention and of what type is dedicated to Latin America in the investigated material, whether the textbooks contribute to giving a varied and nuanced image of the Spanish-American cultures and how this relates to the educational goal of promoting an intercultural competence.A qualitative method of analysis has been applied in order to carry out the analysis of three textbooks for intermediate levels of language studies: Caminando 3, Alegria and De acuerdo.The results of the investigation show that the investigated textbooks mostly present a simplified, ethnocentric, homogenized and sometimes postcolonial image of the Spanish-American cultures. Texts where the culture constitutes the context and not the subject can promote a process of identification and consequently an intercultural competence.The study’s main conclusions show that Spanish-American cultures are underrepresented in the investigated material and that a non-native perspective dominates in the majority of the texts. This combined with the lack of variety and profundity, may have consequences for the promotion of an intercultural competence and for teachers’ work with textbooks and cultural content.

The relationship between economic performance and support for the incumbent government varies across voters and electoral contexts. While some of this variation can be explained by factors that make it easier or harder to hold politicians accountable, an additional explanation is that the electoral importance of economic issues varies systematically across groups and contexts. Because issues that are personally important tend to be more easily accessible when voting, we prose that exposure to economic shocks generates higher incentives to place more weight on economic conditions when voting. We test this hypothesis using archived and original survey data from Argentina, Mexico, and Peru. The analysis demonstrates that economic vulnerability enhances the economy's salience. Specifically, poverty generates incentives to cast an egotropic vote while wealth, insecure employment, informal employment, and exclusion from governments welfare programs enhances sociotropic voting because these groups have greater stakes in the national economy. By implication, elections in developing countries with large numbers of vulnerable voters should be more strongly contested over economics despite the weak institutional environment that potentially undermines the ability of voters to hold politicians accountable. Aggregate elections returns and the CSES survey support this proposition and demonstrate that economic voting is substantially more common in Latin American than in Western Europe or North America. Thus variations in economic voting provide opportunities to not only learn about the conditions under which elections can serve as mechanisms of accountability but also a laboratory to model the process of preference formation and the demands voters place on their representatives. / Dissertation

Title from PDF of title page. / Document formatted into pages; contains 123 pages / Thesis (M.A.)--University of South Florida, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. / Text (Electronic thesis) in PDF format. / ABSTRACT: Since gaining independence from Colombia in 1903, Panama has witnessed both elitist democratic governments and authoritarian populist governments. The oligarchic system in place throughout much of Panama's history was a significant hindrance to real democracy taking hold within the country. Democracy was further set back by the inordinate power exerted by the US presence on the isthmus throughout the twentieth century. Omar Torrijos's time as head of the Panamanian government from 1969 to 1981 exhibited populist, paternalistic and personalistic characteristics. His government marked an attempt to establish a form of government based on popular democracy. While a number of social programs were implemented and the social welfare of a greater percentage of the population was generally improved during the years Torrijos was in power, his military regime did not ultimately institutionalize a model for democratic participation. / ABSTRACT: This study argues that some form of popular democracy should replace the status quo in Panama. This would allow for genuine representation of a greater number of the population and in turn broaden the base of decision-making, something that has not been fully accomplished under previous authoritarian or democratic forms of government. The Torrijos regime was the first and only government in Panama to have attempted this move toward popular democracy. As such it is seen as a useful case study in examining its contributions to the political landscape and the political culture that makes up contemporary Panama. Deductions are made from it for the political future of the country in terms of the democratization process. / System requirements: World Wide Web browser and PDF reader. / Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Bachelor's thesis. / Format: PDF. Bibl.

To learn how to address health issues specific to Hispanic cultures in an effort to address health disparities, learning from cultural aspects that affect health from the countries of origin would be most useful. Community programs built on rigorous and systematic research prove to be more powerful than ad-hoc programs. Qualitative research techniques offer powerful alternatives for public health professionals to develop adequate and directed programs at the community level, especially among underserved communities and those represented by oral/spoken traditions. The study was conducted among 132 working class single and married Mestizo women between the ages of 20-40 living in Panama City, Panama. This group of women has the highest incidence of HPV in Panama so are at the highest risk of cervical cancer. Using social construction as the theoretical framework, this study uses four different qualitative research techniques: free listing, pile sorting, individual semi-structured, and group interviews. Key findings include the importance of religion and family, women's understandings of the relationship between sexuality and health, influence of media, other women, and husbands help construct screening knowledge among women in the study. Culturally relevant health education interventions and programs delivered in a group format at the community level in a participatory mode would be most effective in reaching women in Panama and other Hispanic populations. Future quantitative studies and influences of social networks are suggested.

Crime and violence are regularly seen as being ripe for politicians to turn into campaign issues and win votes. This study argues, in contrast, that success on public security is not so automatic: human rights values constrain the use of security and the winning of votes on it. Even in Latin American countries, where voters' concerns about rampant crime and violence are among the highest in the world, considerations of human rights combine with low trust in security forces to restrict the viability of the issue in key ways. Examination of presidential campaigns in Colombia in 1994, 1998, 2002, and 2010 supports this claim. Success on security is a two-step process: invoking the issue and then gaining voter support on the topic. Usability depends on the absence of recent repression and the degree of organization of security threats. Then, winning votes on it depends on having a civilian background, a campaign that balances security with other issues, and messages of careful enforcement. These messages of careful enforcement promise targeted, deliberate use of security forces' enforcement activities in a way that pays attention to human rights, rather than promising unbridled enforcement, increased punishment, or programs of long-term prevention. This study therefore shows how candidates are forced to walk a fine line between promising to establish order and promising to protect basic rights and liberties. These findings are powerful, providing an understanding of public security in electoral campaigns that maintains a much closer fit with empirical reality than existing research. The results also provide a critique of the sociological school of vote choice and points to ways in which ownership of the issue of security may be leased away. Furthermore, because the results are driven by the spread of human rights values, the results demonstrate the importance of quick shifts in political culture as a factor that explains changes in political patterns. / text