Für Stefan Zweig war Brasilien 1941 "ein Land der Zukunft". Die Realität sieht anders aus: Bis heute ist es ein Land der Gegensätze, geprägt vor allem durch jenen von Arm und Reich. Was Gini-Koeffizienten nüchtern in Zahlen ausdrücken, kann man in Metropolen mit hypermodernen Zentren und Favelas an Berghängen auf engstem Raum erleben. Vor allem die Verteilung von Land resultiert in Auseinandersetzungen. Experten analysieren im Thema die Lage eines Staates, der in seinen Widersprüchlichkeiten gefangen ist.

This thesis in economics includes three self-contained papers united by a common theme: the importance of economic fluctuations within and between countries for capital flows and risk sharing inside and across national borders. The first two papers study the determinants of workers’ remittances, as well as the consequences for macroeconomic volatility for the countries that receive them, using econometric methods and a general equilibrium model. The third paper studies whether two challenges to international real business cycle models, the so called ”Quantity Puzzle” and the positive relationship between financial integration and output correlations, obtain for European countries and regions. As a second step, it also investigates multilateral channels for risk sharing. / Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2010. Sammanfattning jämte 3 uppsatser.

The driving question of this compilation thesis is whether quotas for political assemblies represent an effective tool for breaking down gender inequality in the political sphere. To put it differently, focus is on the possibilities for policy-makers to engineer equality. As a response to persistent patterns of male dominance in political decision-making, approximately 100 countries, both democratic and authoritarian, have adopted these affirmative action measures. The introductory section presents an argument as to why we should focus on certain impacts in order to be able to answer the question about the effectiveness of quotas. It suggests that the point of departure for empirical assessments of quota policies should be the normative arguments for supporting the reform, and the effects that normative theorists and quota advocates expect from these measures. The three studies that make up the core of the thesis build on previous empirical research on quotas, and examine some of their possible effects at both the elite level and mass level. Study I theoretically scrutinizes how the procedures for selecting women to political office shape these women's legislative autonomy, and thereby their possibilities to substantively represent women. The study identifies mainly two factors as important: a large body selecting the candidates and a rule-bound and thus bureaucratized selection procedure. Study II empirically tests the claim that women elected through quotas are more likely to suffer from institutional constraints in the legislature, and thereby have a harder time working for the benefit of women, than other female representatives. By conducting a comparative case-study of two Mexican state legislatures, no support is found for this hypothesis. Quotas have also been justified because of their likely impacts on female citizens' perceptions about politics. Study III addresses this issue by performing a statistical analysis on the impacts of quotas on Latin American women's political attitudes and behavior. In contrast to previous research on the topic, the study finds little proof of positive impacts of quotas on women's political engagement. Taken together, the thesis does not provide a clear-cut answer to the question as to whether it is possible to engineer equality within politics. However, it sheds new light on the complexities of quota impacts, and it qualifies and nuances the picture for those who expect quotas to be an overall solution for problems of gender inequality.

The overall aim of this thesis is to analyse the social consequences of a transnational corporation(TNC) from the global North investing capital in the global South, and the communal processes that evolve in response. The study highlights the TNC’s construction of leadership and domination in the areas in which it settles, as well as the forces of popular resistance to the TNC’s exploitation of the region’s natural resources and the resulting socio-environmental conditions. The study is based on empirical fieldwork (including 22 interviews) carried out in Uruguay and Argentina related to the establishment of a pulp mill by Botnia/UPM. The analyses focus on discursive processes whereby the TNC establishes itself in the community. The found patterns are discussed in the thesis based on the following themes: “Making the TNC indispensible” ; “Dominating the spaces of communication” ; “Controlling the narratives” ; “Contradictions of external and internal colonialism” and “Establishing and maintaining hegemony”. All of these have to do with socio-political and discursive strategies and circumstances whereby the TNC—symbolically and materially— becomes a powerful force in the country and community where it establishes itself. This creates certain social positions, and gives rise to tensions within a number of areas. In relation to these processes, the thesis also highlights the formation and mobilization of resistance against the changing social, cultural and economic conditions created through the arrival of the TNC. What appears to be crucial for the deployment of a successful counter-force is the creation of spaces for organisation, for practices of resistance and to sustain democratic values and practices. This makes the social movement an autonomous voice that incarnates disobedience against thestate, the juridical international apparatus and the hegemonic practices of TNCs.

The present dissertation deals with self-representation in a corpus consisting of narrative texts about the exile from Chile, Uruguay and Argentina, that reached Sweden during the 1970s and 1980s. The first part of the analysis focuses on the representation of discursive borders that enclose identity in exile in categories based on gender and ethnicity. The second part focuses on exile subjectivity as situated in a discursive framework of space and time, where the centre of attention is on how the legacies of memories from the political oppression during the dictatorship in the exile’s past inhibit the inclusion of these memories in a pedagogical discourse of the self. The corpus of narrative texts that are analysed consists of novels and short stories in Spanish. Latin American exile in Sweden is a central theme and can therefore be considered as part of the historical contextual framework that surrounds the discourse of Latin American exile identity in Sweden. The analysis is not focused on the authors’ individual experiences of exile, since a point of departure in the dissertation is an immanency between the author’s biography and the narrative text. The object of study is the identity as constructed in the text itself against the backdrop of Latin American exile and immigration in Sweden. The theoretical framework applied mostly derives from poststructural and postcolonial criticism and concerns identity as relational between self and other, as well as culturally and discursively constructed. The analysis of the corpus texts is based on a conception of gender identity as relational and intersectional with identities connected to ethnicity and social class. It also takes as a starting point the assumption that the notion of exile identity is rendered from a male norm, based on the traditional association between national politics and male rationality. Another point of departure is a notion of permeability between exile and immigrant identity, of which the former is conceived as linked to discourses of political rationality and the latter to those of corporality and materiality. The analysis focuses on the way both exile and immigrant identities are represented as constituent parts of exile self in narratives. For the reading of texts that illustrate exile subjectivity as a dislocation in space and time, the theoretical framework is based on Foucault’s notions of heterochronia and heterotopia. The analysis aims to highlight the representation of heterochronic divisions in the texts, between memories of the past and the present in exile. This representation departs from the notion of modern subjectivity as a pedagogical discourse of the self that is rendered as a narrative of the proper life. In some texts, this pedagogy of the self is represented as interrupted in exile by the suppression of memories of political oppression during the dictatorships in the exiles’ countries of origin, such as those of imprisonment, torture and violence. The analysis also focuses on the representation of strategies the individual employs to accomplish the performance of a coherent self in exile.

This study deals with the issue of democratization in Latin America during the 20th century, and in particular the role of the left in this process. The purpose of this study is to empirically analyze the role of the left as a political actor in the process of democratization toward the deepening of the democratic rule in Latin America. The research questions are: what role did the left have in the transitions to electoral democracies during the 20th century in Latin America? Why did the left have the role it had in the transitions? How does the left’s view of democracy affect the transition to electoral democracy, and the further democratization to deepen democratic rule? What structural constraints affect the left’s ability to deepen democratic rule? A comparative qualitative method and different theoretical concepts of democracy, democratization, elite perspective, mobilization and organizations have been used, and examples from different Latin American cases are given. One empirical conclusion is that the role of the left in the transitions to electoral democracies varies from participation with active left leaders, collective left actions, to not have any significant role at all. A second empirical conclusion is that in cases where left wing governments have tried to enforce a model of participatory democracy, the result has been “ coup d’état” or rebellions conducted by military forces and supported by the economic elite and the United States of America. In other cases when left parties in government instead have remained within the framework of an elite democracy, the result has rather been stabilization of the liberal democratic rule. The main theoretical conclusions are as follows: the theoretical discussion about democratic consolidation and the deepening of democracy have to consider that different actors’ (in this study the left) preferences for various models of democracy differ; the actors’ view of democracy matter in the game of democratic development and democratic consolidation; and the relations between the elite actors’ preferences for different models of democracy determine the outcome of a specific form of democratic model (in this study electoral democracy, liberal democracy or participatory democracy).

Aufbauend auf neuen Zugängen zu der Ende der 1970er Jahren entstandenen Regulationstheorie, die die Strukturen und Prozesse kapitalistischer Funktionsweise mit Elementen von Akkumulationsregimen, Regulation und Krise erklärt, werden von der Autorin sowohl der klassische Zugang als auch dessen Adaptionen auf verschiedene andere sozialwissenschaftliche Theorieansätze - wie z. B. dem Neo-Gramscianismus - kritisch hinterfragt. Aus dem Blickwinkel der Entwicklungsforschung und unter Hinzuziehung verschiedener Beispiele gegenwärtiger gesellschaftlicher Transformationsprozesse und emanzipatorischer Experimente in Lateinamerika wird aufgezeigt, dass die Regulationstheorie nach wie vor eine wertvolle Analysegrundlage für den gegenwärtigen Kapitalismus darstellt, jedoch einer Schwerpunktverlagerung bedarf. / By building on new approaches to regulation theory, that emerged in the late 1970s and explained the functioning of capitalist structures and processes through accumulation regimes, regulation, and crisis, the author critically questions the classical approach as well as its adaptation to various other social science theory approaches, such as the neo-Gramscian. From the perspective of development research and by considering different examples of contemporary processes of social transformation and emancipatory experiments in Latin America, the author points out that regulation theory remains a valuable basis for analysing contemporary capitalism; however, a shift of emphasis is necessary.

In order to analyze the potential of a relationship between terrorist groups and state violence, this paper analyzes two case studies from Latin America - that of Sendero Luminoso, in Peru, and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (the FARC), in Colombia – and two cases from the Middle East and North Africa – that of al-Jama’a al-Islamiyya in Egypt and Muqtada al-Sadr’s Mehdi Army in Iraq. After a review of the cases and general literature on regime violence and terrorism around the world, this paper proposes a likely correlation between an increase in state violence and an escalation in the use of terrorism. The paper proposes that this correlation occurs because state violence inspires feelings of revenge among opposition groups and citizens, increases the popularity of guerrillas, decreases the popularity and legitimacy of the state, and promotes the perception that violence is both an acceptable political tool and the only option for opposition groups seeking a political voice. The findings of this study indicate that policy makers should reconsider their use of violent, repressive responses to political opposition, and should refrain from “fighting fire with fire” in order to take steps towards the eradication of terrorism around the world.

This paper explores the relationship between presidential elections and sovereign credit default swap (CDS) returns, as well as, equity returns in the Latin American countries, Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico. In particular, this paper tests whether or not presidential elections, which potentially represent political uncertainty and risk, affect sovereign CDS returns. I also analyze stock returns during the elections of each country to establish benchmarks that I compare to the CDS returns. Specifically, I evaluate the movement of CDS and equity adjusted returns (i.e. returns measured as deviations from average returns) over 7 presidential elections from 2005 to 2011. The baseline panel regression did not find statistical significance in the dummy election coefficients, but did find significance in the equity intercept coefficient at the 10 percent level. This result suggests that, on average, adjusted equity returns were higher during election periods than adjusted equity returns outside of election periods. I discuss the implications of these results later in the paper.

Carbon-based forestry (CBF) projects for the carbon market have been proposed with the aim of mitigating climate change, enhancing forest cover and improving livelihoods in developing countries. Debate has ensued regarding the validity of applying market-based mechanisms to climate mitigation in the form of CBF activities. Through in-depth interviews and focus groups, this study explores the various stakeholders’ involvement in the development of CBF projects in the Peruvian Amazon and reveals how their interests influence the types of activities that are established. Farmers’ perceptions on the carbon trade are examined and it is demonstrated that the potential of earning a carbon credit may influence farmers’ current land management practices in favor for implementing reforestation or agroforestry systems on their terrain. Regardless, the number of obstacles and the preferences of stakeholders significantly limit the ability of small-scale farmers to access and benefit from the emerging market.