Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado do Rio de Janeiro / O presente trabalho deseja construir uma perspectiva acerca das tendências dos movimentos e mobilizações sociais organizados na América Latina contemporânea, e as considerações da teoria social aos novos sujeitos sociais emergentes. Para tanto, abordaremos as trajetórias boliviana e argentina, as quais nos informam sobre algumas das principais formas de ação coletiva engendradas após os avanços do neoliberalismo no subcontinente. Ademais, são enfocadas leituras de tal processo, elaboradas por algumas correntes da teoria social contemporânea, as quais contribuem para a formulação de uma interpretação mais próxima ao contexto latino-americano atual. Pretendemos, desta forma, apontar alguns dos principais desafios colocados às Ciências Sociais do subcontinente, a partir da observação de um dos fatores mais significativos para as transformações dos países da região. / This study wants to build a perspective on the trends of movements and social movements organized in contemporary Latin America, and the considerations of social theory to new emerging social subjects. To do so, we discuss the trajectories Bolivian and Argentine, which tell us about some of the main forms of collective action engendered after the development of neoliberalism in the subcontinent. Moreover, they are focused readings of such a process, developed by some currents of contemporary social theory, which contribute to the formulation of an interpretation closer to the Latin American context today. We intend, therefore, to point out some of the main challenges for Social Sciences of the subcontinent, from the observation of one of the most significant factors for the transformation of the region.

The thesis "Role of the European Union in Latin America: a Change after the Rio Summit?" focuses on alternations of the position of the European Union (EU) in Latin America after the Rio Summit (1999) which was supposed to be a milestone in European-Latin-American relations. The main objective is to identify and explore the EU role and its trends which result not only from the economic links but also the actions of the EU institutions. Factors of unequal position of Latin America in mutual relations, as well as the impact of the interregional strategy of the EU are of special focus. The thesis is organized as follows. The chapter 1 lays conceptual and theoretical grounds and develops the methodology of "the Atlantic triangle" to frame the issue in interregional relations concepts. The chapter 2 analyses the EU and Latin America as subjects of interregional relations. As for the Latin-American region, its social-economic features, development strategy orientation and its impacts and subregional integration are examined. The EU region subchapter is focused on the interregional strategy, its design and development, as well as the multidimensional nature of the relations and its component dynamics (trade, political dialogue, development cooperation). The Chapter 3 identifies and explores external factors which influence the European-Latin-American ties. According to the triangle methodology, the inevitable influence of the United States (the Anglo-American region in the thesis concept) is studied separately from the global environment and other regions. The Chapter 4 quantifies the economic links of the Latin-American region. It examines the shares and trends in trade, investment, development cooperation transfers and migration. The Chapter 5 studies the institutionalised relations within the Atlantic triangle. It classifies the existing links of the Latin-American region (treaties, fora), assesses the role of interregional summits, compares the political approaches from the United States (US) and the EU in trade, development and security areas and studies in detail the EU impact on several aspects of Latin-American institutional configuration (e.g. regional integration). Among others, the most important conclusions drawn in the last chapter are the following: The unequal position of Latin America in relations with the EU can be attributed to its development characteristics as well as its fragmentation that has recently been progressing. It results in week coordination capability of Latin-American countries on the subregional level and absence of effective coordination on regional level. The interregional strategy of the EU aimed at building "Birregional Strategic Partnership" has not met Latin-American expectations. Although the situation in both regions and global environment has changed substantially from the strategy initiation, the strategy concept remains unaltered which is reflected the mutual relation stagnation. The EU strategy has not proved to be effective in fostering the EU role in Latin America. The free trade negotiation balance of the EU and the US is unfavorable to the EU which has not been able to conclude the association agreements (a basic tool to build the partnership) with its major Latin-American partners (MERCOSUR). The mid/long-term trends in the economic positions on the Latin-American markets have been also unfavorable to the EU in favor to the US and Asian partners. The ineffective strategy did not reverse nor stop such trends. However, the EU role is still not negligible in Latin-American aspirations to diversify its external links from the US influence. The relations with the EU display evident counter-balancing features. The EU also plays the role of "external federator" on subregional level but its influence is rather limited. The overall conclusion is that the Rio Summit did not start closer cooperation. The weakening economic relations are not supported by an effective interregional strategy from the EU. The role of the EU is therefore diminishing.

In its theoretical -- methodical part, the thesis is focusing on the subject of containerization, characterizes the liner sea transportation (shipping lines), describes the current situation on the sea freight market, characterizes selected shipping lines operating on the trade: Latin America -- EU and describes the ports on the export side: Callao and Paita. In the practical part, it addresses the progression of the transportation chain, beginning with the client's inquiry and ending with delivering the cargo at the consignee's premises. I am also presenting the transportation string through an actual shipment from the Peruvian port of Callao to Prague.

The main goal of this paper is to summarize the diverse and often controversial information in order to identify and describe the specific features of Chinese economic activities and approaches related to Latin America. The secondary objective is to analyze whether China's involvement in Latin American region is mutually beneficial, or whether the cooperation with the PRC threatens the future development of the region.

The thesis is devoted to analyzing the market of drugs coming from Latin American countries, their production, distribution as well as final consumption. It focuses on the impact of the current state of drug prohibition and the possible effects of legalization of drugs in the country of production and consumption.

Esta pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar a questão da circulação de ideias e a construção de identidades na América Latina a partir de três ensaios produzidos entre fins do século XIX e inícios do século XX: El porvenir de las naciones hispanoamericanas (1899), do mexicano Francisco Bulnes (1847-1924); A América Latina: males de origem (1905), do brasileiro Manoel Bomfim (1868-1932) e Les democraties latines de lAmerique (1912), do peruano Francisco García Calderón (1883-1953). Por meio desses textos, este trabalho procura discutir as concepções sobre o fazer intelectual presente em cada um desses autores, o processo de elaboração e circulação das ideias no subcontinente em relação aos paradigmas europeu e norte-americano e a variedade de projetos identitários existentes na América Latina no umbral do século XX. O cotejo desses três ensaios permite que se explicite um conjunto de temas e problemas comuns que permeavam o pensamento político na América Latina da época, entre os quais é importante ressaltar a discussão sobre o lugar do subcontinente no mundo diante da expansão do capitalismo e do imperialismo entre fins do século XIX e inícios do século XX. / I intend to analyze in this research three major essays produced in Latin America in the beginning of the 20th Century: El porvenir de las naciones hispanoamericanas (1899), by Mexican Francisco Bulnes (1847-1924); A América Latina: males de origem (1905), by Brazilian Manoel Bomfim (1868- 1932) and Les démocraties latines de lAmerique (1912), by Peruvian Francisco García Calderón (1883-1953). I will emphasize the problems around the circulation of ideas and the building of identities in the subcontinent. The comparison among these three essays will allow me to discuss a whole set of common themes and issues related to political ideas in Latin America at that time and to think about Latin Americas place during the so called Age of Empire.

Esta pesquisa tem como objetivo analisar as representações políticas sobre o Chile na obra fílmica do cineasta Miguel Littín realizada em seu exílio político, entre 1973 e 1990. Engajado politicamente, o diretor produziu filmes no Chile e, devido à sua identificação com o governo de Salvador Allende (1970-1973), foi obrigado a exilar-se após o golpe de Estado, ocorrido em 1973. Em sua trajetória no exílio, Miguel Littín transitou por diversos países europeus e americanos dirigindo películas, participando de debates e construindo redes de solidariedades. Procuramos mostrar que essa forma de resistência a partir do exílio foi permeada por diversas tensões e divergências entre estrangeiros e exilados chilenos. Dentre as obras selecionadas para a pesquisa, analisaremos de forma privilegiada Actas de Marusia e Acta general de Chile, porque abordam a realidade chilena. A primeira foi produzida no México em 1975 e retrata um massacre de trabalhadores do salitre ocorrido no norte do Chile, no início do século XX. A segunda constitui uma série de documentários exibida pela Televisión Española em 1986 e exibe a luta social contra a ditadura de Augusto Pinochet. Procuraremos mostrar que a filmografia de Miguel Littín e sua atuação no exterior contribuem para a compreensão das lutas contra a ditadura chilena a partir de um novo ângulo, o audiovisual. / This research aims to analyze the political representations of Chile in the film work of the filmmaker Miguel Littin made in his political exile from 1973 to 1990. Politically engaged, the director made films in Chile and, because of its identification with the government of Salvador Allende (1970-1973), was forced to go into exile, after the coup d\'état in 1973. During his career in exile, Miguel Littin moved between European and American countries directing films, participating in debates and extending solidarity networks. We tried to show that this form of \"resistance\" from the exile was permeated by various tensions and disagreements with foreigners and Chilean exiles. Among the works selected for the research, we will analyze in a privileged way the films Actas de Marusia and Acta General de Chile, because they represented the Chilean reality. The first was produced in Mexico in 1975 and portrait a massacre of saltpetre workers that occurred in northern Chile, in the early twentieth century. The second is a documentary series aired by Televisión Española in 1986, and displays the social struggle against the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet. We seek to show that the filmography of Miguel Littin and its activities abroad contribute to the understanding of the struggles against the Chilean dictatorship from a new angle, the audiovisual.

As recentes políticas públicas de combate à pobreza na América Latina apresentam-se articuladas à educação escolar. E como principais programas com essa característica, destacam-se o programa brasileiro Bolsa Família e o programa venezuelano Misión Robinson. A partir do pressuposto que a pobreza é constituída por elementos multifacetários, esses programas estabelecem a escolarização das camadas populares como condição de superação do ciclo intergeracional da pobreza, direcionando seus esforços para garantir a educação básica para seus beneficiários. Entretanto, uma das dimensões da reprodução ampliada da pobreza na América Latina é o fracasso escolar, que por meio de diversos mecanismos expulsa indiretamente da escola as crianças e jovens oriundos das camadas populares, ou nega para esses os saberes mínimos e elementares, produzindo a miséria intelectual dos trabalhadores. Desse modo, o objetivo da presente pesquisa é analisar os programas Bolsa Família (Brasil) e Misión Robinson (Venezuela), com o intuito de compreender a concepção educacional presente em nesses programas e problematizar o vínculo estabelecido entre o combate à pobreza e escolarização das camadas populares, no sentido de verificar se essa articulação desdobra-se no processo de superação ou manutenção do fracasso escolar. Para tanto adotamos como metodologia a análise documental, a partir das elaborações do Estado brasileiro e venezuelano que justificam a política dos programas supracitados. Essa análise tem como referencial teórico o materialismo histórico e dialético, a partir de sua contribuição latino-americana a Teoria Marxista da Dependência, a qual compreende as questões políticas, sociais e históricas do subcontinente como singularidades indissociáveis do lugar da América Latina na divisão internacional do trabalho, ou seja, de sua relação com a totalidade do modo de produção capitalista. / The recent public politics of combat to the poverty in Latin America are presented articulated to the pertaining to school education. From the estimated one that the poverty is constituted by multifacetários elements, these programs establish the escolarização of the popular layers as condition of overcoming of the intergeracional cycle of the poverty, directing its efforts to guarantee the basic education for its beneficiaries. However, one of the dimensions of the extended reproduction of the poverty in Latin America is the failure pertaining to school, that by means of diverse mechanisms indirectly banishes from the school the children and deriving young of the popular layers, or denies these to know elementary minimums to them and, producing the misery intellectual of the workers. In this manner, the objective of the present research is to analyze the programs Bolsa Família(Brazil) and Misión Robinson (Venezuela), with intention to understand if these programs contributes for the overcoming of the failure pertaining to school. The methodology of this research is the analysis documentary from the elaborations of Brazilian and Venezuelan the State that justify the politics of the above-mentioned programs. This analysis has as referencial theoretician the historical and dialético materialism, from its Latin American contribution - the Marxist Theory of the Dependence, which understands the questions politics, social and historical of the subcontinent as indissociáveis singularidades of the place of Latin America in the international division of the work, that is, of its relation with the totality in the way of capitalist production.

A pesquisa aborda a produção do espaço urbano das regiões metropolitanas de São Paulo, Buenos Aires e Cidade do México. Inicialmente examina-se a formação histórica dos seus padrões de urbanização, a partir das respectivas dinâmicas socioeconômicas, histórico-políticas e territoriais dominantes ao longo do século XX, e em seguida analisam-se comparativamente as transformações desses padrões no marco da reestruturação econômica global dos últimos anos. Os resultados da análise histórico-comparativa apontam considerável diversidade nos processos históricos de produção do espaço urbano e tendências diferentes nas transformações recentes dos padrões de urbanização: em suma, Buenos Aires experimentou profundas rupturas, São Paulo manteve seu padrão histórico de urbanização e a Cidade do México registrou mudanças de menor porte. Dessa forma, as conclusões do estudo põem em questão os diagnósticos acerca da convergência de processos ou tendências urbanas globais, tal como insistentemente afirmada na literatura urbanística contemporânea. / This study examines the production of the urban space in the metropolitan regions of São Paulo, Buenos Aires and Mexico City: Firstly, it observes the historical formation of urban space patterns from the socioeconomic, historical, political and territorial dynamics which were dominant through the 20th century; secondly, with the help of cross-metropolitan comparisons, the transformation of these urbanization patterns are analyzed within the context of the global economic reorganization. The findings of this historical-comparative analysis are twofold. They show considerable diversity in the historical processes of the production of urban space, and different trends in recent transformations of urbanization patterns as well. On the one hand, Buenos Aires shows a deep break with the past, but, on the other, São Paulo has preserved its historical urbanization patterns, while Mexico City has registered changes of lesser importance. Thus, the common wisdom about a world wide convergence of global urban trends is criticized.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-03-20T12:47:42Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcela Franzoni.pdf: 721988 bytes, checksum: d090585bc92935228d0e30130453af6b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-03-20T12:47:42Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcela Franzoni.pdf: 721988 bytes, checksum: d090585bc92935228d0e30130453af6b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The dissertation analyzes the limited scope of the cooperation mechanisms with Latin America in which Mexico invested in the first years of the 21st century, especially the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States and the Pacific Alliance. The dual relationship with the United States, of dependence and interdependence, limits Mexico's possibilities of foreign policy, especially of using potential ties with Latin America as a counterweight to the overwhelming presence of the great northern neighbor. The possibilities for Mexico to increase its autonomy in this way are restricted, since these initiatives are not very formalized and have limited capacity to boost their foreign trade. However, relations of interdependence with the United States allow the country to exploit the magnitude of established economic and social bonds and create spaces to advance certain policies. This dichotomy explains, for example, why Mexico failed to advance a migration policy with the US but did not agree to negotiate the petroleum issue in NAFTA in the early 1990s. The initiatives of the 2000s sought to respond to four cyclical and structural incentives : frustration in relations with the United States, China's economic rise, the effects of the 2008-2009 economic- financial crisis in Mexico and relations with Latin America. Although it was an attempt to expand their international partnerships, they did not imply a revision of Mexico's international insertion strategy, which continued to favor its relations with the United States. In times of instability in bilateral relations, the Mexican government insists on the need to diversify the country's international economic relations, which has become a rhetorical goal. We conclude that Mexican foreign policy seeks to increase its autonomy by strengthening relations of interdependence, since any other possibility would imply a revision in its strategy of international insertion and in its model of economic development / A dissertação analisa o alcance limitado dos mecanismos de cooperação com a América Latina em que o México investiu nos primeiros anos do século XXI, em especial a Comunidade de Estados Latino-americanos e Caribenhos e a Aliança do Pacífico. A relação dual com os Estados Unidos, de dependência e interdependência, limita as possibilidades de inserção externa do México, em especial de utilizar os vínculos potenciais com a América Latina como um contrapeso à presença avassaladora do grande vizinho do norte. As possibilidades de que o México incremente a sua autonomia por essa via são restritas, já que essas iniciativas seguem pouco formalizadas e com limitada capacidade de dinamizar seu comércio externo. Contudo, as relações de interdependência com os Estados Unidos permitem ao país explorar a magnitude dos vínculos econômicos e sociais estabelecidos, conseguindo criar espaços para avançar determinadas políticas. Essa dicotomia explica, por exemplo, por que o México não conseguiu avançar uma política migratória com os EUA, mas não aceitou negociar a questão petroleira no TLCAN, no início dos anos 1990. As iniciativas dos anos 2000 procuraram responder a quatro incentivos conjunturais e estruturais: a frustração nas relações com os Estados Unidos, a ascensão econômica da China, os efeitos da crise econômica-financeira de 2008-2009 no México e as relações com a América Latina. Apesar de ter sido uma tentativa de expandir as suas parcerias internacionais, elas não implicaram em uma revisão da estratégia de inserção internacional do México, que continuou privilegiando suas relações com os Estados Unidos. Em momentos de instabilidade nas relações bilaterais, o governo do México insiste na necessidade de diversificar as relações econômicas internacionais do país, o que se tornou um objetivo retórico. Concluímos que a política externa mexicana procura incrementar a sua autonomia a partir do reforço das relações de interdependência, já que qualquer outra possibilidade implicaria uma revisão na sua estratégia de inserção internacional e no seu modelo de desenvolvimento econômico