The purpose of this research is to discover the new symbols and new histories that are being constructed in the Plurinational State of Bolivia on 2012. The Legislature is the main stage where the research takes place and where the new actors interact on a yet unfamiliar zone. Equally important are the tensions that arise in the building of a new discourse that aims at breaking with homogenizing and exclusionary practices of the state. The unprecedented presence of indigenous people in the Legislature has ambivalent effects for the state and the indigenous communities. The thesis aims at uncovering these effects through the analysis of discourse, symbolic representations, and quotidian political practices. / text

Thesis (M.A.)--Carleton University, 1988. / Also available in electronic format on the Internet.

The Victorian general election of 1859 occurred during a time of social transition and electoral reformation, which extended the vote to previously unrepresented adult males. Gold discoveries, including those on the Ovens, triggered the miners’ insistent demands for access to land and participation in the political process. The thesis identifies issues, which emerged during the election campaign on the Ovens goldfields, surrounding Beechworth. The struggle centred on the two Legislative Assembly seats for the Ovens and the one Legislative Council seat for the Murray District. Though the declared election issue was land reform, it concealed a range of underlying tensions, which divided the electorate along lines of nationality and religion. Complicating these tensions within the European community was the Chinese presence throughout the Ovens. The thesis suggests the historical memory of the French Revolution, the European Revolutions of 1848 and the Catholic versus Protestant revivals divided the Ovens goldfield community. The competing groups formed alliances; a Beechworth-centred grouping of traders, merchants and the Constitution’s editor, ensured the existing conservative agenda triumphed over those perceived radicals who sought reform. In the process the land hungry miners did not gain any political representation in the Legislative Assembly, while a prominent Catholic squatter who advocated limited land reform was defeated for the Legislative Council seat. Two daily Beechworth papers, Ovens and Murray Advertiser and its fierce competitor, the Constitution and Ovens Mining Intelligencer are the major primary sources for the thesis.

As the third largest energy consumer, the residential sector in Canada is responsible for 17% of energy consumption and 15% of greenhouse gas emissions. With the increase in population, the number of new houses is expected to increase by 2.8 million from 2005 to 2020, and more energy is expected to be consumed despite the emergence of better insulated houses and more efficient heating methods. The primary objective of this study is to determine the prospects of reducing CO2 emissions from the residential sector in Waterloo Region by achieving a higher building standard, such as the Passivhaus (PH) and Net Zero Energy (NZE). The profile of the building envelope, including the initial CO2 emissions was compared against the requirements of the PH and NZE standards, using the Residential Energy Efficiency Project dataset (2007-2012). The second objective evaluates the barriers and drivers that influence the setting of higher building envelope standards. Ontario Building Codes (1975-2012) were analysed to determine the changes to insulation requirements over time, and Ontario Legislative Assembly debates (1970-2012) were reviewed to determine the barriers and drivers expressed in political debates. Content analysis was applied to the Legislative Assembly of Ontario’s documents to determine the frequency of nine word categories prior to each new building code. This study identified three main categories of drivers: awareness of environmental issues, resource limitation, and the implications of climate change; and three categories of barriers: financial, political and structural, and barriers related to information, promotion, and education. The findings of this study confirm that existing houses in Waterloo Region can achieve substantial reductions in CO2 emissions and energy usage by meeting higher building standards. Building code improvements have certainly played an important role in the evolution of Ontario houses, and the 2012 building code, achieves the R-2000 standard universally. More advanced standards show the potential for greater savings, but have only been adopted on a voluntary basis.

Provincial electoral districts were first created in British Columbia in I869. At that time the criteria used to determine the ridings on the mainland were the existing mining division boundaries and on Vancouver Island the land district boundaries. Since 1869 many different sets of constituency boundaries have been used in the province. At all times the government has attempted to give the more settled areas the greatest number of electoral seats and yet provide each region of the province with legislative representation. Since electoral ridings were initiated, however, there has not been a stated policy by which the legislature has determined new constituency boundaries. In certain instances areal size has been the determining factor in deliniation, whereas in other cases electoral numbers were used. In 1965 the ratio of voting numbers between the largest constituency and the smallest was in excess of twenty-five votes to one. It was therefore believed that a major revision of British Columbia's electoral boundaries was due. There are three major methods by which new political boundaries may be determined; these being representation by population, by area, and by community of interest. Each method has certain qualities and liabilities. Representation by population is considered the best method of boundary delineation because the votes of all persons are then of equal weight. Since British Columbia contains such an uneven population distribution many constituencies created by employing this principle would be too large in area to be served effectively by one representative. As well, many urban constituencies would be extremely small. Therefore the thesis concluded that this method of boundary determination was not suitable for British Columbia. Representation by area was not considered to be practical for many ridings would contain only a few hundred voters while others over one hundred thousand. Therefore, representation by community of interest appeared to be the best method of determining legislative constituency boundaries. In this system the under-populated areas of the province would have few electoral representatives. Using this method of deliniation each riding would contain persons affected by similar problems and sharing common interests. Community of Interest regions were determined by isolating all territory which is primarily dependent upon a central settlement. Throughout British Columbia large settlements exist which serve the economic and social needs of the surrounding urban and rural population. The thesis recommended I that such regions would make good provincial constituencies since the rural and urban areas would have equal interest in both local affairs and development. To determine the sphere of influence surrounding each large settlement an examination of services provided by various sized communities was undertaken in order to determine which services were offered only by the larger nucleations. As this method of analysis was not applicable in the Lower Mainland area a study of shopping patterns and community activities was used as a basis for boundary determination. Each of these areas of common interest became the basis for the recommended urban constituencies. As a potential political instrument the value of a new set of electoral boundaries lies in the result which its employment would achieve. Using the 1963 provincial election statistics in the proposed constituencies, the results would have changed the political party representation in the legislature very little. Therefore more equable districts could be adopted without a shift in political party strength. / Arts, Faculty of / Geography, Department of / Graduate

The thesis examines the role of partisanship in two sessions of the Oregon Legislature. Both the Oregon Senate and the Oregon House of Representatives were examined for the 56th (1971) and the 57th (1973) session. Indicies of partisanship, or party cohesion were developed for both parties in both houses during both sessions. Each legislator was also assigned an index of partisanship. The indicies of partisanship for the parties were the average percentage of the members of the two parties voting together on those issues which underwent "party votes." A party vote was defined as any vote on which the majority of one party was opposed by at . least the majority of the other party. The individual index of partisanship for each legislator was that percentage of time the legislator was on the same side as the majority of his or her party during party votes. These two indices, of party partisanship and individual partisanship allowed comparison of the parties themselves and various subgroups within the parties such as urban legislators, legislators under thirty years of age and women legislators. All calculation was done by means of a special program on an IBM 1130 computer.

A ciência política brasileira produziu explicações consistentes no que se refere ao funcionamento da democracia pós-1988. Os mecanismos de governabilidade e o processo decisório do sistema político brasileiro encontram-se amplamente discutidos pela literatura sob a rubrica do presidencialismo de coalizão. No entanto, duas agendas de pesquisa sobre nosso sistema político não foram suficientemente testadas, quais sejam: o estudo sobre as relações Executivo-Legislativo nas unidades subnacionais e os mecanismos de checks and balances em nossa democracia. O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar o ponto de toque ou mesmo a junção entre estas duas agendas: a dimensão de fiscalização e o controle nas unidades subnacionais brasileiras. Para isso, o desenho de pesquisa é composto pelo balanço do estado da arte das respectivas literaturas relevantes, juntamente à análise dos dados de 20 Estados da Federação Brasileira, na legislatura 2007-2010. / The Brazilian political science produced consistent explanations about the functioning of democracy in the post-1988 period. The mechanisms of governability and decision-making of the Brazilian political system are widely discussed in the literature under the rubric of coalition presidentialism. However, two research agendas on our political system have not been sufficiently tested, namely: the study of the Executive-Legislative relations in subnational units and mechanisms of checks and balances in our democracy. The goal of this dissertation is to analyze the touch point or even the junction between these two frameworks: the dimension of supervision and control in the Brazilian subnational units. To accomplish these objectives, the research design consists in the review of the relevant literature, along with the analysis of data from 20 states of the Brazilian Federation - from 2007 to 2010.

A ciência política brasileira produziu explicações consistentes no que se refere ao funcionamento da democracia pós-1988. Os mecanismos de governabilidade e o processo decisório do sistema político brasileiro encontram-se amplamente discutidos pela literatura sob a rubrica do presidencialismo de coalizão. No entanto, duas agendas de pesquisa sobre nosso sistema político não foram suficientemente testadas, quais sejam: o estudo sobre as relações Executivo-Legislativo nas unidades subnacionais e os mecanismos de checks and balances em nossa democracia. O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar o ponto de toque ou mesmo a junção entre estas duas agendas: a dimensão de fiscalização e o controle nas unidades subnacionais brasileiras. Para isso, o desenho de pesquisa é composto pelo balanço do estado da arte das respectivas literaturas relevantes, juntamente à análise dos dados de 20 Estados da Federação Brasileira, na legislatura 2007-2010. / The Brazilian political science produced consistent explanations about the functioning of democracy in the post-1988 period. The mechanisms of governability and decision-making of the Brazilian political system are widely discussed in the literature under the rubric of coalition presidentialism. However, two research agendas on our political system have not been sufficiently tested, namely: the study of the Executive-Legislative relations in subnational units and mechanisms of checks and balances in our democracy. The goal of this dissertation is to analyze the touch point or even the junction between these two frameworks: the dimension of supervision and control in the Brazilian subnational units. To accomplish these objectives, the research design consists in the review of the relevant literature, along with the analysis of data from 20 states of the Brazilian Federation - from 2007 to 2010.

Submitted by JÚLIO HEBER SILVA (julioheber@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-11-11T15:28:12Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Elisa Signates Cintra de Freitas - 2016.pdf: 2032413 bytes, checksum: 222ff12ddd1e2b97d160de2d20f516eb (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jaqueline Silva (jtas29@gmail.com) on 2016-11-16T17:45:33Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Elisa Signates Cintra de Freitas - 2016.pdf: 2032413 bytes, checksum: 222ff12ddd1e2b97d160de2d20f516eb (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-11-16T17:45:33Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Elisa Signates Cintra de Freitas - 2016.pdf: 2032413 bytes, checksum: 222ff12ddd1e2b97d160de2d20f516eb (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-06-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This paper discusses the relation between politics and religion in the state of Goiás. Due to the high participation perceived in recent years of evangelicals in institutional politics, mainly at the national level, this research intended to confer the presence of this religious group in Goiás, in Goiás State Legislative Assembly in the period of 2011-2014.The state legislators Fabio Sousa (PSDB), Lincoln Tejota (PSD) and Luiz Carlos do Carmo (PMDB) – from the mentioned period - were selected as research subjects. The general objective was to investigate the political activity of the mentioned subjects through five categories: political motivation, church support, religious moral, political activity and laicism. To make this discussion possible, authors such as Max Weber, Jose Casanova, Paul Freston and Joanildo Burity were present throughout this work. Through content analysis of the bills written by the three surveyed evangelical politicians and qualitative interviews with the study subjects, we could perceive in the results the prevalence of secular actions in their political activity in which religious morality was presented as ethics to be daily followed. / O presente trabalho discute a relação entre política e religião no estado de Goiás. Devido à alta participação percebida nos últimos anos dos evangélicos na política institucional, principalmente em âmbito nacional, esse trabalho pretendeu conferir a presença desse grupo religioso em Goiás, na Assembleia Legislativa do estado de Goiás no período de 2011 a 2014. Foram selecionados como sujeitos de pesquisa os então deputados estaduais Fábio Sousa (PSDB), Lincoln Tejota (PSD) e Luiz Carlos do Carmo (PMDB). O objetivo geral foi investigar a atuação política dos mesmos em cinco categorias: motivação política, apoio da igreja, moral religiosa, atividade política e laicidade. Para que essa discussão fosse possível, autores como Max Weber, Jose Casanova, Paul Freston e Joanildo Burity se fizeram presentes em todo o trabalho. Através da análise de conteúdo de projetos de leis de autoria dos três políticos evangélicos pesquisados e de entrevistas qualitativas com os sujeitos de pesquisa foi possível perceber nos resultados a predominância de ações seculares na atividade política dos atores políticos pesquisados, em que a moral religiosa apresentou-se como ética a ser seguida no dia-adia.

Orientador: Rachel Meneguello / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-12T08:41:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jardim_MarciadeAlmeida_D.pdf: 1497059 bytes, checksum: 2608bd0212e7c4a92dfc6cdaacdcb15a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008 / Resumo: O objetivo desta tese é explicar o impacto da TV legislativa sobre o comportamento parlamentar. A hipótese é a de que a TV legislativa tem potencial para estimular mecanismos de accountability, primeiro, porque seu modelo tem características que a tornam "accountable", no sentido de contribuir para a informação (e formação) do cidadão e, segundo, porque ela estimula comportamento responsivo dos representantes no exercício do seu mandato. Outra hipótese é a de que o impacto da TV legislativa é diferente nos diferentes níveis do Poder Legislativo, estadual, capital e interior. Para responder às indagações lançadas e sustentar as hipóteses construídas, a pesquisa contou com três entradas. A primeira foi o mapeamento das TVs legislativas brasileiras e a segunda entrada consistiu em uma radiografia das TVs legislativas das Assembléias Legislativas, da TV da Câmara de São Paulo e das TVs das Câmaras municipais do estado de São Paulo. A terceira entrada contou com entrevistas realizadas com parlamentares das Casas legislativas e com os profissionais responsáveis pelas TVs da Assembléia Legislativa de São Paulo, da Câmara de São Paulo e de treze Câmaras municipais. / Abstract: The aim of this thesis is to explain the impact of parliament TV on the parliamentarian behavior. The hypothesis is that the parliament TV has the potential to stimulate accountability mechanisms, first because its model has characteristics that make it accountable, meaning to contribute to the information (and formation) of the citizen and, second, because it stimulates the responsible behavior of its representatives during their mandate. Another hypothesis is that the impact of the parliament TV is different in the different levels of the Legislative Power, state, capital and countryside. To answer the questions and sustain the built hypothesis, the research counted on three approaches. The first one was the mapping of the Brazilian parliament TVs and the second one was the radiography of the parliament TVs from the Legislative Assembly, City Council TV of São Paulo and Town Hall TVs from the State of São Paulo. The third approach counted on interviews made with parliament representatives from the Legislative Houses and with responsible professionals by the Legislative Assembly TV of São Paulo, from the City Council of São Paulo and thirteen Town Halls. / Doutorado / Ciencias Sociais / Doutor em Ciências Sociais