Thèse--Geneva. / Bibliography: p. 273-[279].

Texte remanié de: Diss.--Tübingen--Geschichtswissenschaftliche Fakultät, 1994. Titre de soutenance : Die Anfänge des Leninkults : Ursachen und Entwicklung in der Sowjetunion der zwanziger Jahre. / Bibliogr. p. 351-379.

Thesis--Cologne. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 301-312).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1984. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 139-148).

This thesis is an attempt to describe and analyze Lenin's theoretical and practical approaches to the Ukrainian question in particular and the nationality question in general. It seeks to ascertain the role and importance of the Ukraine, Ukrainian institutions and, to some extent, Ukrainian personalities, in Lenin's published work both before and after the revolution. Furthermore, this thesis attempts to discover the role of the national and Ukrainian questions in relation to Lenin's other concerns of expediting the proletarian revolution and of maintaining organizational and governmental unity. Several conclusions of a general and particular nature have been reached. The national question in Lenin's works is a part of the general question of the socialist revolution, however, it is definitely a subordinate one: socialist concerns inevitably predominate over nationalist ones. It is also evident that Lenin stressed unity and centralism above any other organizational attribute. The highest degree of unity was mandatory if the revolution was to be made and consumated. Nationalism, however, was particularistic and by its very nature contradictory to Lenin's centralist views. Lenin was aware of Ukrainian peculiarities but he preferred to ignore them in most instances until he felt that to continue so doing would retard the revolution. It is for this reason that his attitude on the Ukrainian question seemed ambivalent. Lenin was willing to make concessions of form rather than substance: he advocated the right to national self-determination while ensuring that this right could never be exercised, he established federal relations with the Ukrainian government while arrogating all real power in the center, and he promoted Ukrainization in all Ukrainian organizations and institutions with the exception of the party. The ultimate goal of all these concessions was invariably unity and centralization. This thesis argues that, in order to be fully understood, Lenin's nationality theory and his application of it to the Ukraine must be conceptualized at two levels. At one level Lenin was concerned with the reality of making a revolution and this required allies from the nationalities. For this reason he conducted a propaganda campaign calculated to appeal to the nationalities and especially the Ukrainians. At the same time, while he was ostensibly demonstrating the similarities between the aims of the Bolsheviks and the nationalities, Lenin never lost sight of the concrete historical conditions of that period. His attitude to the nationalities and Ukrainians was a function of the progress of the revolutionary movement. At this level Lenin's nationality-theory and practice was historically relative and in his work he allowed for the possibility that his views would change as the historical situation changed. Lenin saw nationalism as an ephemeral phenomenon and essentially negative concept. The national movement in general and the Ukrainian one in particular was viewed in instrumental terms. Lenin hoped that he could use this movement as a means to more quickly achieve the goals of unity and assimilation in the most expeditious manner. / Arts, Faculty of / Central Eastern Northern European Studies, Department of / Graduate

A presente pesquisa busca, a partir de um ângulo muito específico, fazer uma abordagem geopolítica do pensamento de Vladimir Ulianov Lenin. Para tanto, o percurso analítico da tese perscrutará a obra de Lenin, buscando captar e entender a relação políticaespaço no âmbito da estratégia revolucionária do líder bolchevique para a Revolução Russa. Este trabalho parte do pressuposto que há um componente espacial que é fundamental ao entendimento das revoluções em geral e da Revolução Russa em particular. Nesta perspectiva, a compreensão de Lenin é fundamental à realização deste desvelamento. / The present research aims, from a very specific angle, to make a geopolitical approach to the thinking of Vladimir Ulianov Lenin. Therefore, the analytical course of the thesis will examine Lenin\'s work, seeking to capture and understand the politicalspace relationship within the framework of the revolutionary strategy of the Bolshevik leader for the Russian revolution. Our work is based on the assumption that there is a spatial component that is fundamental to the understanding of revolutions in general and of the Russian revolution in particular. In this perspective, the understanding of Lenin\'s thought is fundamental to the realization of this unveiling.

A presente pesquisa busca, a partir de um ângulo muito específico, fazer uma abordagem geopolítica do pensamento de Vladimir Ulianov Lenin. Para tanto, o percurso analítico da tese perscrutará a obra de Lenin, buscando captar e entender a relação políticaespaço no âmbito da estratégia revolucionária do líder bolchevique para a Revolução Russa. Este trabalho parte do pressuposto que há um componente espacial que é fundamental ao entendimento das revoluções em geral e da Revolução Russa em particular. Nesta perspectiva, a compreensão de Lenin é fundamental à realização deste desvelamento. / The present research aims, from a very specific angle, to make a geopolitical approach to the thinking of Vladimir Ulianov Lenin. Therefore, the analytical course of the thesis will examine Lenin\'s work, seeking to capture and understand the politicalspace relationship within the framework of the revolutionary strategy of the Bolshevik leader for the Russian revolution. Our work is based on the assumption that there is a spatial component that is fundamental to the understanding of revolutions in general and of the Russian revolution in particular. In this perspective, the understanding of Lenin\'s thought is fundamental to the realization of this unveiling.

Magisterarbeit--Historisches Seminar--Universität Hamburg, 2005. / Bibliogr. p. 201-221.

Proefschrift--Universiteit de Louvain. / At head of title: Bibliotheek van de Handelshoogeschool der Universiteit te Leuven. "Voornaamste geraadpleegde literatuur": p. [300]-305.

The relationship between party organisation, class consciousness and workers’ struggle has been a basic issue in Marxism since its foundation, and particularly since the rise of revisionism at the end of the last century. To the very limited that a “mainstream” literature on Lenin sought to locate him within the Marxist tradition that tradition was identified with a determinist interpretation of Marx developed by the revisionists and centrists. This approach has been countered by a generally sympathetic view of Lenin’s comments on party organisation, argued by a recent set of “critics” of the “mainstream” view. Yet despite their wish to make a comprehensive critique of the “mainstream”, most of the critics have failed to do so due a residual element of determinism in their understanding of the relation between workers’ struggle and the development of class consciousness.This thesis seeks to complete the critique of the “mainstream” through establishing the role of conscious intervention in realising the material possibilities for workers’ struggle. It does so through a case study of the labour movement in St. Petersburg between the “Emancipation” of 1861 and the “Stolypin Coup” of 3/6/1907. A pivotal point in the development of this movement was “Bloody Sunday” (9/1/1905), and the thesis is structured around that moment to show what changes, as well as what does not change, in the role of conscious intervention in periods of mass struggle relative to times of more limited protest.