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「具有中國特色」的社會主義一一革命理論或發展策略爭議的探討華士傑, HUA, SHI-JIE Unknown Date (has links)
鄧小平提出「具有中國特色」的社會主義作為中國大陸現階段社會主義建設的口號，
希望能為中共奉行貳的馬列主義與現實環境之間的矛盾，提供一個可能的解決方案。
本篇論文的主旬就是從「革命理論」（由資本主義社會過渡到共產主義社會的理論）
以及「發展策略「（達成社會主義生產方式的方法、手段）兩個面向，來觀察中共如
何在一個「半殖民、半封建」的社會，建立起社會主義。中共在歷經蘇聯模式、毛澤
東的「大躍進」模式式二種發展策略後，體會出中國大陸的社會主義建設依舊無法解
決生產力和生產關係之門的矛盾，因此在鄧小平上臺後便實行「經濟體制改革（，以
發展生產力作為關鍵。但是為了解決僵硬的意識形態影響改革的問題，而對馬克思主
義採取「發展」的態度終必使得「革命理論」本身也產生修正或改變的現象，仗得發
展策略與革命理論發生辯證的關係。
「中國特色」的社會主義本身就還是一項不斷在發展的體，它未來的走向是一項耐人
尋味的問題。由於中國大陸社會主義本身繼承了史達林主義以黨和國家控制一切的特
質，因此它處處顯示出「國家主義」的色彩，雖然中共也採行某些市場機制以搞活經
濟，但是基本上具有中國特色的社會主義仍然是局限於「國家主義」模式的範疇；這
是由於在資本主義盛行的世界體系之下，社會主義建設本身還是得利用國家機器以爭
取世界分工秩序下一個較有利的地位。中國特色的社會主義一方面要求堅守社會主義
的原則，而另一方面則要求快速現代化。打破這種僵局的方法，還是在於找尋生產力
和生產關係在某一歷史階段的平衡點。
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Entre o semear e a próxima colheita: uma análise dos escritos de Lenin sobre a questão agrário-camponesaPadilha, Tânia Mara de Almeida [UNESP] 08 September 2009 (has links) (PDF)
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padilha_tma_me_mar.pdf: 1717459 bytes, checksum: 39519ad5455a0c1bffa0d8c310e35254 (MD5) / O objetivo geral deste trabalho é acompanhar a reflexão desse autor sobre a questão agráriocamponesa, através da análise dos escritos mais importantes de Lenin sobre o tema, entre os anos de 1893 e 1923. Esse recorte se justifica por encampar todo o período de escritos do autor. Enquanto os marxistas do Ocidente atuavam no seio do movimento operário, Lenin operava no quadro particular da hegemonia ideológica do eslavismo narodinik – populismo russo. Para os populistas o capitalismo era um processo artificial na Rússia e o povo russo encontraria sua redenção através da comuna agrária, considerada pelos narodiniks a essência desse povo. Lenin está claramente posto no campo marxista ao entender a necessidade de desenvolvimento das forças produtivas e, no que diz respeito à revolução, a única classe radicalmente revolucionária seria o operariado. No entanto, sua teoria teve influências dos narodiniks, que acreditavam ser o camponês a única classe revolucionária. É nesse contexto que buscamos entender os meandros em que se forjou a produção teórico-política de Lenin, contemplando sua análise do capitalismo na Rússia e seus desdobramentos; da formação econômico-social específica da Rússia; da revolução burguesa, com a participação dos trabalhadores do campo; do papel do campesinato russo nas transformações sociais; do campesinato no contexto de uma revolução socialista internacional; do campesinato como base social essencial do novo Estado que se originou da Revolução de 1917; e, finalmente, o significado da aliança operário-camponesa. / The general purpose of this work is to follow the discussion about the agrarian-peasant question, by analyzing the most important writings of Lenin on the subject, between the years 1893 and 1923. This cut is justified due to encamp the whole period of the author's writings. While the Western Marxists working within the movement, Lenin worked in specific context of ideological hegemony of the Slav narodinik - Russian populism. The populists believed that capitalism was an artificial process in Russia, therefore, Russian people find their redemption through the agrarian community, deemed by narodiniks the essence of people. Lenin is clearly inserted in the Marxist view of the need for development of productive forces and, regarding the revolution, the only revolutionary class would be radically workforces. However, his theory had narodiniks influences, who believed the peasantry was the only revolutionary class. In this context we seek to understand the intricacies that were forged Lenin’s political-theory production, including his analysis of capitalism in Russia and its developments, the economic and social specific training in Russia, the bourgeois revolution, with the participation of employees in field, the role of the Russian peasantry in the social transformations, the peasantry in the context of an international socialist revolution, the peasantry as a social basis essential that the new state led the Revolution of 1917, and finally, the meaning of the worker-peasant alliance.
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L'image de la Révolution russe dans la presse satirique russe de 1917 / The image of the Russian Revolution as seen in the Russian satirical press in the year 1917Ignatenko-Desanlis, Oxana 21 November 2015 (has links)
Basé sur des documents authentiques rares et inédits, ce travail a pour but d’étoffer une nouvelle image de la Révolution russe via les revues satiriques de l’époque. Ces revues sont de véritables œuvres d’art révolutionnaires qui interrogent la liberté de la presse et l’art durant une période charnière en Russie. Il s’agit d’une témoignage direct de cette année révolutionnaire, véhiculé par des artistes avant-gardistes libérés de la censure, et qui vont, au fil des semaines, composer une image originale de l’année 2017 et des deux révolutions russes de février et d’octobre au travers des couvertures illustrées. Afin de conserver la dynamique chronologique des événements, les revues ont été mises en parallèle avec les témoignages écrits d’époque, de personnalités diverses telles que Claude Anet, Pierre Pascal, Maxime Gorki, Maurice Paléologue, ou encore John S. Reed. Tous ont accompagné les bouleversements révolutionnaires à leur manière et constituent l’écho historique de ces revues satiriques illustrées qui nous permettent de plonger au cœur même du quotidien des révolutions russes caractérisant une nouvelle image de la Révolution, mouvante, singulière et remarquable. / Based on rare and authentic documents, this work endeavors to elaborate a new image of the Russian Revolution through satirical magazines of the time. These illustrated reviews are genuine works of art that question freedom of the press and art itself during a transnational period in Russia. They serve as a direct testimony of this revolutionary year, providing an original image of the two Russian revolutions of February and October and featuring on the review’s front cover week after week avant-garde artists freed from censorship of the press. In order to preserve the chronological dynamic of the events, satirical reviews are coupled with historical testimony of various writers such as Claude Anet, Pierre Pascal, Maxime Gorki, Maurice Paleologue, and John S. Reed, among others. All of them had supported the revolutionary turmoil in their own way and constitute an historical echo of the illustrated satirical reviews allowing us to plunge into the heart of daily life during the two Russian revolutions, and thus creating a new image of the Revolution, set in motion, single-minded, and noteworthy.
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De Marx à Lénine : étude sur les origines et l'évolution doctrinale du léninismeHétu, Arnaud 06 1900 (has links)
L’objectif de ce mémoire consiste à proposer un nouveau cadre de référence conceptuel pour aborder le marxisme et, a fortiori, son interprétation léniniste. Nous retraçons dans l’œuvre de Karl Marx (1818-1883) deux paradigmes élaborés successivement : le paradigme anthropo-métaphysique, compris à la fois en tant que continuité et rupture avec la philosophie classique allemande, et le paradigme économico-historique, qui supporte la théorie du matérialisme historique. Nous démontrons que le paradigme économico-historique s’est consolidé sur la base du paradigme anthropo-métaphysique de manière à lui conférer une systématicité scientifique. Pour saisir les fondements du léninisme, nous décidons de circonscrire notre investigation à trois notions clefs à partir desquelles il sera possible d’évaluer l’apport original de Lénine comparativement aux écrits de Marx: (1) l’alliance du prolétariat et de la paysannerie, (2) le rôle d’avant-garde du parti et (3) la dictature du prolétariat et la violence politique. Nous constatons que l’interprétation léniniste de chacune de ces trois notions s’appuie sur un certain nombre de concepts ou de textes présents dans le corpus marxiste. De ce constat, notre tâche consiste à déterminer à partir de quelle grille de lecture paradigmatique du marxisme le léninisme a pu s’édifier en tant que doctrine. / The aim of this paper is to offer a new conceptual framework within which to study Marxism and, a
fortiori, its Leninist interpretation. We retrace in the works of Karl Marx (1818-1883) two paradigms
elaborated consecutively: anthropo-metaphysical paradigm, understood as both in continuity and in
rupture with German classical philosophy, and economico-historical paradigm, which conveys the
theory of historical materialism. We demonstrate how economico-historical paradigm consolidates
itself on the basis of anthropo-metaphysical paradigm in order that the latter yield scientific
systematicity. To grasp the foundations of Leninism, we restrain our investigation to three key notions
from which to evaluate Lenin’s original contribution to the writings of Marx: (1) the alliance of the
proletariat and the peasantry, (2) the vanguard role of the party, and (3) the dictatorship of the
proletariat and political violence. We note that the Leninist interpretation of each of these notions rests
on a certain amount of concepts or positions present in the Marxist corpus. From this ascertainment,
our task is to establish from which paradigmatic framework Leninism has established itself as a
doctrine.
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An “empire” without imperialism? A study of the Soviet-colonial dialectic from the October Revolution to its defeatStrandlund, Tyson Riel 22 October 2021 (has links)
An analysis of Soviet history and political thought in the context of imperialism and colonialism
This study attempts to clarify problems with dominant liberal narratives and historiography relating to the Soviet Union, particularly relating to questions of empire and colonialism, and instead platforms Third World Marxists and other anti-imperialist scholars and revolutionaries whose views have been effectively sidelined and stifled. By tracing the history of political thought around these questions from pre-revolutionary Marxists through to Cold War era anti-colonial and pan-African scholars and revolutionaries alongside developments in the dynamic and forms of imperialism, and by situating anti-colonial nationalisms in the context of worldmaking rather than state building, this text aims to contribute to analyses of Soviet policy and its relationship to the global history of decolonisation in the 20th Century.
This work identifies serious theoretical and ideological deficiencies in existing literature and concludes that concise definitions of imperialism and empire such as those used by V.I. Lenin and Kwame Nkrumah are not consistent with commonly held beliefs about the role played by the Soviet Union in the history of anti-colonial and national liberation movements. Western liberal literature on this subject has suffered significantly as a result of political and ideological prejudices stemming directly from the US Cold War victory and psychological warfare campaigns targeting communist and anti-colonial movements to this end.
My research indicates that misidentification and misuse of terms relating to empire and colonialism pose serious obstacles and risks to present and future efforts geared towards global peace and equality which add urgency to the correction of mistakes both in scholarly and popular historical, political, and cultural approaches to interpretations of Soviet history. / Graduate
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Ukraїnas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918 / Ukraine’s independence 1917 in swedish press 1917–1918Bergman, Leo January 2017 (has links)
This dissertation is a quantitative study with elements of qualitative analysis. The purpose of this quantitative study was to investigate WHAT was written about Ukraine's independence 1917 in Swedish press 1917–1918. The qualitative part of the survey was intended to answer the question if the newspaper's political attitude influenced the news reports during the chosen period. The exact periodization was determined to be between March 1, 1917 and June 30, 1918. This periodization was chosen because of the March Revolution in 1917, which triggered independence declarations in a number of countries oppressed by Moscow, who now saw their chance of freedom. June 1918 became the end of the investigation because it was just when the peace agreement between Ukraine and the Soviet Union was signed. The source material has been chosen to represent a multitude of ideological orientations. It was liberal, moderate, conservative, liberal and left-wing orientations. The source material consisted of newspaper articles from the following newspapers: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar Tidning and Norrskensflamman. Quantitative methodology was used on the source material. This method consisted of a reviewing of newspaper articles in searching of news reports from Ukraine or articles which had something to do with the events in Ukraine. Every newspaper was searched day after day. The crawled material was presented in two chapters representing different periods. The first chapter of the results presented the results from 1917, and more precisely from March to December 1917. The second chapter presented the results from 1918, but also from December 1917, that is, the result from December 1917 through June 1918. The whole result was then discussed in a separate chapter where the qualitative analysis was also discussed. The result of the quantitative analysis showed that it has been written relatively sparcely about Ukraine's independence although the volume of articles increased from December 1917 and even more in 1918. Sometimes there were articles on the first page. But for the most part, the articles with Ukraine issues were placed among other foreign articles. It was also found in the survey that it was the first World War that drew attention to the newspapers, even though the events in Petrograd and then in Ukraine took more space. This survey also showed that what was written about Ukraine's independence was also what appears in the reference literature. The news reports reported how Ukraine proclaimed independence in March 1917 and later on proclaimed an independent republic in November 1917 when the Bolsheviks conducted their coup d'état in Petrograd. The newspapers also wrote how the Russian Communists sent a declaration of war to Ukraine in December 1917 and about the war that followed. The articles also tell us how negotiations on Ukraine Peace went on in Brest-Litovsk, and how they ended up with alliance between Germany and Ukraine with the campaign against the communists. It was told how the German army marched into Ukraine to free it from the bolsheviks. Until May 1918 there were battles between the German-Ukrainian Army and the Communists. In June 1918 the peace agreement was signed and this survey’s investigation ended. The survey showed that it was written about Ukraine's independence in all newspapers. Dagens Nyheter had the most news articles linked to the survey. Although the number of articles was not subject for analysis in this survey. The qualitative analysis was based on using Höjelid's theoretical concepts "positive sound" and "negative sound" on the quantitative analysis material. The qualitative analysis’ result showed that it was almost impossible to see the differences between the newspapers because the articles were traded between the newspapers, i.e. the content was copied straight away. It should be noted that not all content was the subject of copying between the newspapers. Copying occurred to a greater extent, but there were still original articles derived from the respective newspaper. Most of the articles were also direct telegrams that were communicated abroad to the newspaper's editors. A lot of these telegrammic articles were sent with a purpose to mislead society. These angled articles were published without further examination in Swedish press. There were articles from, for example, Dagens Nyheter whose editors noted the "strange Petrograd reports" and informed about it for the purpose of enlightening the public. However, as most newspapers were occupied with World War I, as was shown in the source material, the newspaper editorial office was less interested in other foreign events. Therefore, such angled articles could be found in Swedish press on a larger scale. / Denna avhandling är en kvantitativ studie med inslag av kvalitativ analys. Syftet med denna kvantitativa studien var att undersöka VAD som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet 1917 i svensk press 1917–1918. Den kvalitativa delen av undersökningen ämnade att besvara frågan om tidningens politiska hållningen påverkade nyhetsrapporteringen under den valda perioden. Den exakta periodiseringen fastställdes att vara mellan den 1 mars 1917 och den 30 juni 1918. Denna periodisering valdes på grund av marsrevolutionen 1917 som utlöste självständighets-förklaringar i en rad länder som var förtryckta av Moskovitien och som nu såg sin chans till frihet. Juni 1918 blev slutpunkten i undersökningen därför att det var just då som fredsavtalet mellan Ukrajina och Sovjet undertecknades. Källmaterialet har valts att representera en mångfald ideologiska inriktningar. Det var liberal, moderat, konservativ, frisinnad samt vänstersocial inriktningar. Källmaterialet bestod av tidningsartiklar från följande tidningar: Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet, Göteborgs Aftonblad, Svenska Dagbladet, Dalpilen, Kalmar tidning och Norrskensflamman. Det användes kvantitativ metod på källmaterialet som bestod i en genomsökning av tidningsartiklarna efter nyhetsrapporter från Ukrajina eller som hade något med händelserna i Ukrajina att göra. Varje tidning genomsöktes dag för dag. Det genomsökta materialet presenterades i två kapitel som representerade olika perioder. Det första resultatkapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1917, och mer exakt från mars till december 1917. Det andra kapitlet presenterade resultatet från år 1918, men även från december 1917, det vill säga resultatet från och med december 1917 till och med juni 1918. Det hela resultatet diskuterades sedan i ett eget kapitel där även den kvalitativa analysen diskuterades. Resultatet från den kvantitativa analysen visade att det har skrivits relativt sparsmakat om Ukrajinas självständighet även om artikelmängden ökade från december 1917 och ännu mer under 1918. Ibland förekom det artiklar på första sidan. Men för det mesta placerades artiklarna med Ukrajina-frågor bland andra utlandsartiklar. Det framgick också i undersökningen att det var mest första världskriget som upptog tidningarnas uppmärksamhet, även om händelserna i Petrograd och sedan i Ukrajina tog allt mer plats allt eftersom. Denna undersökning visade också att det som skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet var också det som förekommer i referenslitteraturen. Nyhetsrapporterna berättade hur Ukrajina utropat sin självständighet i mars 1917 tills landet proklamerat en oberoende republik i november 1917 när bolsjevikerna genomförde sin statskupp i Petrograd. Tidningarna skrev också hur de ryska kommunisterna skickade krigsförklaring till Ukrajina i december 1917 och om det kriget som följde efter det. Artiklarna berättar även om hur förhandlingarna för Ukrajinafreden gick till i Brest-Litovsk samt hur dessa avslutades med att Tyskland allierade sig med Ukrajina i kampen mot kommunisterna. Det berättades hur den tyska armén marscherade in i Ukrajina för att befria det från bolsjevikerna. Fram till maj 1918 pågick det strider mellan tysk-ukrajinska armén och kommunisterna. I juni 1918 undertecknades fredsavtalet och där slutade undersökningen. Undersökningen visade att det skrevs om Ukrajinas självständighet i samtliga tidningar. Dagens Nyheter hade flest nyhetsartiklar kopplade till undersökningen. Även om antalet artiklar ej var i syfte att analysera i denna undersökning. Den kvalitativa analysen gick ut på att använda Höjelids teoretiska begrepp ”positiv klang” och ”negativ klang” på den kvantitativa analysens resultatmaterial. Det kvalitativa resultatet visade att det var nästintill omöjligt att se skillnad mellan de olika tidningarna eftersom artiklarna traderades mellan tidningarna, det vill säga innehållet kopierades rakt av. Det bör påpekas att inte allt innehåll var ämne för kopiering mellan tidningarna. Kopieringen förekom i större utsträckning men det fanns ändå originella artiklar som härstammade från respektive tidning. De flesta av artiklarna var dessutom direkta telegram som kommunicerades i utlandet till tidningens redaktioner. En hel del av dessa telegraferade artiklar skickades med ett givet syfte att vilseleda samhällsopinionen. Dessa vinklade artiklar publicerades utan vidare granskning i svensk press. Det förekom artiklar från exempelvis Dagens Nyheter vars redaktion uppmärksammat de ”märkliga Petrogradrapporter” och informerat om det i möjligt syfte att upplysa allmänheten. Men eftersom de flesta tidningarna var upptagna med första världskriget, som det visades i källmaterialet, var tidningsredaktionerna mindre intresserade av andra utländska händelser. Därför kunde sådana vinklade artiklar förekomma i svensk press i en större omfattning.
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A Pragmatic Standard of Legal ValidityTyler, John 2012 May 1900 (has links)
American jurisprudence currently applies two incompatible validity standards to determine which laws are enforceable. The natural law tradition evaluates validity by an uncertain standard of divine law, and its methodology relies on contradictory views of human reason. Legal positivism, on the other hand, relies on a methodology that commits the analytic fallacy, separates law from its application, and produces an incomplete model of law.
These incompatible standards have created a schism in American jurisprudence that impairs the delivery of justice. This dissertation therefore formulates a new standard for legal validity. This new standard rejects the uncertainties and inconsistencies inherent in natural law theory. It also rejects the narrow linguistic methodology of legal positivism.
In their stead, this dissertation adopts a pragmatic methodology that develops a standard for legal validity based on actual legal experience. This approach focuses on the operations of law and its effects upon ongoing human activities, and it evaluates legal principles by applying the experimental method to the social consequences they produce. Because legal history provides a long record of past experimentation with legal principles, legal history is an essential feature of this method.
This new validity standard contains three principles. The principle of reason requires legal systems to respect every subject as a rational creature with a free will. The principle of reason also requires procedural due process to protect against the punishment of the innocent and the tyranny of the majority. Legal systems that respect their subjects' status as rational creatures with free wills permit their subjects to orient their own behavior. The principle of reason therefore requires substantive due process to ensure that laws provide dependable guideposts to individuals in orienting their behavior.
The principle of consent recognizes that the legitimacy of law derives from the consent of those subject to its power. Common law custom, the doctrine of stare decisis, and legislation sanctioned by the subjects' legitimate representatives all evidence consent.
The principle of autonomy establishes the authority of law. Laws must wield supremacy over political rulers, and political rulers must be subject to the same laws as other citizens. Political rulers may not arbitrarily alter the law to accord to their will.
Legal history demonstrates that, in the absence of a validity standard based on these principles, legal systems will not treat their subjects as ends in themselves. They will inevitably treat their subjects as mere means to other ends. Once laws do this, men have no rest from evil.
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